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14 Qe
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 199
THE ETHNOARCHEOLOGY OF
CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA
By WENDELL H. OSWALT and JAMES W. VANSTONE
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1967
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price $1.75 (cloth)
The Bulletins of the Bureau of American Ethnology began with
the publication in 1887 of “Bibliography of the Eskimo Language,”
by James C. Pilling. The content of the Bulletins has been as broad
as the contemporary interests of the field of anthropology, although
mainly restricted in scope to the Americas.
With the publication of Bulletin 200, this series will end, its place
being taken by a new series, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology,
which was initiated in 1965 following the merging of the Bureau of
American Ethnology and the Department of Anthropology of the
U.S. National Museum into the Smithsonian Office of Anthropology.
The new series provides not only for publication of scholarly studies
of the American Indian but is worldwide in scope, reflecting the
broadening activities of the Smithsonian Institution’s anthropologists
over the past few decades.
Ricuarp B. WoopBury
Chairman
Smithsonian Office of Anthropology
as
ha
PREFACE
In Arctic and subarctic America, where the aboriginal lifeways of
Indians and Eskimos frequently have endured into the present century,
historical archeology rarely has been of primary interest to either the
ethnographer or the archeologist. In an area such as western Green-
land, where there was sustained contact between Europeans and
Eskimos, an exception is to be found. Northern Canadian historical
archeology has been unsystematic, while in Alaska only along Prince
William Sound (de Laguna, 1956; 1964), the Gulf of Alaska (Acker-
man, 1965), and the lower Copper River (VanStone, 1955) have
excavations been made at historic sites. In the Arctic and subarctic
of America archeologists have yet to fathom the ramifications of many
cultural continuities within the Christian Era, while the path of early
man into the New World is still largely unknown. With fascinating
problems such as these confronting them, it is not surprising that the
archeologists have avoided sites containing tin cans, bottle glass, and
crockery. Yet it is precisely these and other forms of trade goods in
the context of a rapidly changing sociocultural setting that directed
our attention to historical archeology in Alaska.
The geographical area of concern is the Kuskokwim River system
of southwestern Alaska, where we had sampled sites in the 1950’s.
However, our interest was drawn to historical archeology in a round-
about manner. In 1953, Oswalt drifted down the Kuskokwim River
in a small boat to collect tree-ring samples and to search for sites.
One of the recently abandoned villages sampled was Crow Village,
nearly 10 km. downstream from Aniak. While digging there, Oswalt
was visited by Eskimos who recounted fragmentary ethnographic
facts about the settlement and its occupants. When shown the
artifacts recovered, the Eskimos were able to recall specific artifact
uses and meanings. Thus, the collection served as an excellent prod
to their memories. In 1954, Oswalt returned to Aniak to reconstruct
riverine Eskimo ethnography, and with VanStone further excavations
were made into the Crow Village midden. Although the digging
period totaled only 3 weeks and frozen ground limited the depth of
excavation, the artifacts recovered were numerous and diverse in form.
In 1961 Oswalt analyzed a major source of ethnographic and historical
data from the lower river in the unpublished writings of the Moravian
Church missionary William Henry Weinland (Oswalt, 1963 b). Addi-
tionally, over the span of 10 years all of the published and many
I
IV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
unpublished ethnographic and historical source materials for the region
have been studied.
After the accumulated Kuskokwim data were assessed, a number of
factors became apparent to guide future research along the river
system. First, the sector from the river mouth to the upstream com-
munity of Kalskag had been studied in broad outline (Oswalt, 1963 a,
1963 b) and the overall shifts of ethnic groups through historic time
plotted for the river system (Oswalt, 1962). Second, the two seasons
of anthropological studies of Edward Hosley (1961) on the upper
river were beginning to yield positive results for this, the least known
locality. A third consideration was that the middle sector of the river
had been investigated only in a superficial manner and was an area
suitable for developing a number of interests. ‘The emergent aim
became to gather additional information about the population of the
middle river from the time of historic contact until around 1900.
The ideal would have been to reconstruct completely the aboriginal
ethnographic scene through informants, but there was no potential
for doing so because of the rapidly fading memories of the people.
It therefore was decided to combine historical archeology with ethno-
eraphic reconstruction and the use of historical sources.
The excavation of the Crow Village site seemed a logical first step
toward a more complete culture history of middle Kuskokwim River
Eskimo and Indian life. The reasons for choosing to dig at Crow
Village are diverse and worthy of mention. First, it was occupied in
1843 when L. A. Zagoskin visited there and was still inhabited after
1900. ‘Thus, Crow Village could be expected to represent a seement of
a period of rapid change, one which was increasingly difficult for in-
formants to bring to mind. Second, from the test excavations of
previous years the site was known to be productive. Third, the area
was small enough to be excavated in a single summer. Finally, there
was the availability of informants who either were born at Crow
Village or had had intimate contact with the village and its inhabitants.
The Crow Village excavation was begun in early June of 1963 and
completed 5 weeks later. In retrospect, there were both advantages
and disadvantages in selecting this site for the purpose conceived. It
proved to contain less material than the midden tests had suggested,
and no clearly separate levels representative of Russian and then
American influences were established. Furthermore, individuals who
had been capable informants 9 years earlier were either dead or ap-
proaching senility in 1963, a fact which made it difficult to obtain
further information about the site and the recovered artifacts.
Historical archeology makes possible a realistic conjunction between
written history, oral history, and traditional ethnography for more
certain sociocultural reconstructions. Hopefully, the lines which
tile ect PREFACE Vv
divide scientific archeology from ethnography and history are largely
those of methodology and not purpose. The combined approach is
well established in the sphere of Near Eastern classical studies and is
an increasingly important method of studying New World ethnic
developments through time. In the study of primitive people it
seems sound to begin by first excavating historic archeological sites.
The comparative information available for the recent past is virtually
always more complete than for the more distant past. Thus, it is
logical to develop an archeological program in any particular geo-
eraphical area by digging the recent sites and then working back in
time to older sites. However, the overwhelming majority of archeolo-
gists compound their already staggering interpretive problems by
being obsessed with antiquity. Thus many potentially useful se-
quences hang in uncertain limbo or are linked to history by frail
suppositions and inferences. We hoped to avoid this pitfall through
the kind of archeology we undertook. A specific contribution of the
Crow Village data is that through them we may learn about the imme-
diate effects of material change when the agents of change are from
Western societies. This seems significant since it is innovations from
the Western world that most often have led modern primitives in new
directions. We hope that the Crow Village study will provide tangible
results in this direction.
After having excavated Crow Village and analyzed the collection,
we see additional sites that now have greater meaning. For example,
some 50 km. upstream is a site, Kwigiumpainukamiut, which is con-
temporary with Crow Village and was occupied both by Eskimos and
Indians (map 1). One end of the village was settled by Indians and
the other by Eskimos, thereby providing an opportunity to study a
situation of cultural contact in an archeological and quasi-historical
framework. Furthermore, some 16 km. still farther up the river is a
historic site of Indian occupancy. Finally, there is the old Russian
trading center of Kolmakoy Redoubt, whose excavation could provide
a valuable baseline for the kinds of objects introduced into the area.
The excavation of these archeological sites, together with historical
and ethnographic supplements, would make possible a well-rounded
study of the mutual impact of three peoples upon each other.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Excavations at the Crow Village site were supported by funds from
the University of Alaska, the University of California (Los Angeles),
the University of Toronto, and the Royal Ontario Museum. In the
field, Mr. and Mrs. Jack Harrop of the Northern Commercial Com-
pany at Aniak were particularly helpful in making local arrangements
for supplies and transportation. Mrs. Earl V. Clay, U.S. Commis-
VI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
sioner in the same community, kindly made available vital statistics
records that have been useful in determining the local movements of
people in the middle Kuskokwim area. Mr. Anania Theodore of
Aniak and Mr. Sam Phillips of Little Russian Mission provided
valuable assistance in making the ethnographic reconstructions. Mr.
William M. Oswalt provided general assistance while in the field, and
we are pleased to acknowledge this aid.
We wish also to express our appreciation to Mr. Kenneth E. Kidd,
formerly of the Royal Ontario Museum and currently on the faculty
of Trent University, Peterborough, Ontario, for his interest in and
support of the entire project. Other members of the museum staff
who assisted the authors in various aspects of the artifact and bone
analysis were Mr. Gerald Brett, Mr. Harold Burnham, and Dr. R. L.
Peterson. The photographs were taken by the museum photographer,
Mr. Lee Warren.
CONTENTS PAGE
PETE AC eae a per ee Somer ny ep Seas tartar tc OY OLE A WL Ill
Neknowied pments. qo i ee v
CrowaVvillage dnyhistOTysos ssa Se a Sa po 1
LE BRON GEEH RMON CISPR Ss DS ee ee ee ae Oe See eee IL aR eet oe P 8
BEET EG) UAS Sepa ep yas ane art 3 el na ol ey 9
TEN O USC alee ep a UO RR ORL SB! a MEE 13
FI OUS C2 reo at RIG SOE. VRAIS D8 YOO 15
INET USS eae erm epee a a hr it ne teen se ci NE AIC 15
BEAU) USS hs es a a heh eee ae hh cap th Act ie Gh ot rn on a tp A 18
FEROUSC ROR eee aera ee ce earned as ele a es Te Ek 20
@achestandycalbinke ie yee PE See ee eR see ee oe es 21
LGU FTES as SR le a Age es Le 23
Mid dense= a=. et See Se Oe ee ES ee ee eee 23
(Corey eyee eto aS 8 se Sa Ra EE i pen Sy AS RS Foy Ae ae oN RE 25
Wocallvamanutactumedtooodss = 2a2 >. Sete eee oe ee ee oe 25
Chippedistones ie. ese 2 Aa 2 OG DETR ES) SFO Y 25
Ground’ stonevss. sce sn o3e6- e552 ee O08 DOs aS DONE 27
WiOOG seta aee et eos See a es 2 Oe DODO 31
RS Tiny rs tet ate 2 oe a ata yeas tes yt ee A Ae, Bo
and hunting ss ces 2223.2 See 2 pee 32
Noolse Ses eee ee ou ee se ee OR he Oe 33
Eousehold equipment 22" 2. yes 2 ee 35
aLransportationee os. tec es 2 el ee a AERO 36
Personal: adormmentsi22222 2 2222s eS OE et 38
Tobacco complexe FESO! ULE te NAT AE OEE TOE. Oe 38
Games anGhtoysus. Yo 5.20. Bln eae Is SE Pe OU od 39
Ceremonial objects: = = =. 2- a Se RR AEE PP eT Ske Ree SE 41
Miscellaneous and! unidentifieda: Sa. Baas See ree 43
Bonevand antler: 2322. 2 ee eee ee ee Ra ee 43
Olive ae Shee eh et a ee ee a. ENOL 45
Grassace je Se ns 2 A UO ED SARS SE 47
amiga GET. @ Gane aoe = pire LINE Latency B B e 47
19 US | DS es aE Rat A Pa i « Sy en my SC per ee 48
(SUSE a se ty Ba pene etn ee ne merit OR Be Pere 51
INon=Eskimotpotteryeen2esc22e2 ete eee 51
Abpea ther’ ~ = ee eee ee ee hee ee 51
imported: manufactured: goods... +4 42 eee ee ee A 51
Non-Hskimo-pottery -2. 4-2). ee eee ee ee 52
Glasses 28 eee nei ee eek ee ere he LL ee eo TE CO 55
Buttonse<2e- 42 eee ee eee wo FO, BIIODE TOe"t 55
Window: lassen ee A OF? 10 SOW OURO 55
ISO UCLe Smee ree ed as oO Berea! ty ee down, SAN eee 56
IMISceH He OUs Classe 2 ieee h tse aa EN ue 57
JB {Sts1(0 Fa} utes sahcs Ap prendre oem dys ty eens ager Oat fh dep eeuny doricinbaen fated lo irvA fiona 57
SVE Greil Stas ee ee iE pe Fe 2 Ae ER RAST Ate fe 2 SEN 61
INT Se a ses ee aye Pd ee eee Oe 61
BDNTTARG AIS ese eee ee pent Seale ale woes eee te pe keen 62
IVES GE] aN Ce OUS sso ee eaters hs oh UN yh ah eee Be eta 64
\ WYO TOY | i= epee eee gla Ny (ok SAF On Ree BI ee ay ence ay eee nd AN 66
Mhextilesvan GitOO Weel of. yom nara eee ae py a phy eeet AOsree ts SAE 67
AVRO ATO(IIS Stick oft ye ee eee mace es Fh a aa ks 67
VIII
CONTENTS
GContinutty and innovayionel:.2)) sl eet ke eee ee ee Re
Time and change-_-_-
1796-18292 2 2 4:
ISIS—1S6G 5
1867-19 0227 2-2
fifeat Crow, Village: ja reconstruction.22. 020 205°") S83 Veo. Pee
Archeology and ethnography: interpretations____________________-___-
Literature cited____
TaN] a) 05) 046 | ce eae a
IQoPP WW e
CHNAM PWNS
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
(All plates follow p. 112.)
. Chipped and ground stone tools.
. Chipped and gro
. Wooden artifacts.
und stone tools.
Wooden artifacts.
Wooden artifacts.
Wooden artifacts.
. Wooden artifacts.
Wooden artifacts.
. Wooden artifacts.
. Bone, antler, and ivory artifacts, and locally made pottery.
. Bark, wood, and
plant fiber artifacts or raw material.
Metal, glass, and pottery artifacts.
. House 1 drawings
. House 2 drawings
. House 3 drawings
. House 4 drawings
. House 5 drawings
~ (Quarter sections Of beadsiis2 2 2 ee ee
s A reconstruction of Crow Village! .. 2.2.2.2 2. 5-=¢e's 45
. Imported pottery and glass bottles.
. Metal artifacts.
. Wooden mask of
. Human mask and human face of wood.
a fox.
TEXT FIGURES
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Map 1.—Southwestern Alaska.
THE ETHNOARCHEOLOGY OF CROW VILLAGE,
ALASKA
By W. H. Oswatt and J. W. VanStone
CROW VILLAGE IN HISTORY
Tulukaghogamiut, as the site is termed in Eskimo, habitually has
been rendered as ‘‘Crow Village” in English, but it would be more
correct to translate the name as “Raven Village People.” Throughout
its recorded history this settlement was occupied by Eskimoan
speakers of the Western Eskimo language stock. This linguistic
grouping is separated into three major dialect clusters—Yuk, Cux
and Suk (Hammerich, 1958); the Crow Village people spoke Yuk
(Yuit, plural). This dialect was limited distributionally to an area
extending north to the community of St. Michael and south to Bristol
Bay and Iliamna Lake. The inland range of Yuk was to the village
of Paimiut on the Yukon River and the vicinity of Crow Village on
the Kuskokwim River. The Yuk-speaking Eskimos think of them-
selves as Yupik or “Real People,” and some authors refer to the
language by this designation. The Eskimos of the Kuskokwim
River have the further local ethnic name of Kuskowagmiut, “Cough
River People.” The former residents of Crow Village could be termed
as Yuk, Yuit, Yupik, Kuskowagmiut, or Tulukaghogamiut, depending
on the context. Crow Village is the farthest inland aboriginal
settlement whose residents spoke only Yuk. It is true that the
village of Kwigiumpainukamiut was occupied by Eskimos, and it is
farther up the Kuskokwim River than Crow Village. Kwigiumpainu-
kamiut, however, was settled jointly by Eskimos and Athapaskan
Indians of the Ingalik tribe and the Georgetown Ingalik subtribe.
Hence, Yuk was not the only language of these villagers.
There are slight variations in the recorded Eskimo name for Crow
Village, such as a transliteration from the Russian, Tulukagnag
(Zagoskin, 1956, map), and early American period recordings of
Toolooka-anahamute (Petroff, 1884, p. 16; map), Tuluka (Baker, 1906,
p. 640), or Tulukagangamiut (Porter, 1893, p. 106). The designation
“Crow Village” has been accepted in the present study because it is
the locally prevailing English name for the site. It is likewise the
2
2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
site’s name on modern maps such as the Russian Mission quadrangle,
1950 edition, of the U.S. Geological Survey Topographical Recon-
naissance Series.
The heart of Yupik country was along the central Bering Sea coast
of Alaska. Here the people were oriented toward a maritime economy,
in which the seal was most important. On the adjacent tundra some
emphasis was attached to hunting caribou, and fishing for salmon
was significant at the mouths of certain rivers and favored bays. The
Yupik living inland on the tundra between the mouths of the Yukon
and Kuskokwim Rivers subsisted mainly on whitefish, with caribou
as a supplement. The Yupik penetration into the Yukon and
Kuskokwim river systems occurred at some unknown point in
prehistoric time when the people moved inland from the Bering Sea
coast. It was the existing salmon fishing technology and the abund-
ance of salmon locally which made it possible for them to exploit
these rivers effectively. They had ascended the river some 280
km. from the sea at the time they founded Crow Village. It is
possible also that some Yupik entered the Kuskokwim from the Yukon
River drainage. Unlike other inland Eskimos, with the possible
exception of those on the lupper Kobuk River, the people of Crow
Village were following a way of life adapted to a riverine setting
and to the northern forests.!
The first documented historical contacts on the Kuskokwim River
between the Yupik and Europeans were made when a Russian party
entered from the Bering Sea in 1818, but apparently they proceeded
up the river only a relatively short distance (Tikhmenev, 1861, pp.
300-302). In 1830, according to Tikhmenev (1861, pp. 340-341), a
group of Russian explorers, under Ivan F. Vasil’ev, ascended the
Nushagak to its headwaters, and crossed a divide leading into the
Kuskokwim River drainage.2 The Vasil’ev party ascended the
Kuskokwim and then traveled downstream to the river mouth and
finally to Alexandrov Redoubt. The Vasil’ev journals of the trip
have never been published, but these travelers must have passed
Crow Village, if it existed at that time.
The first Russian trading establishment, built in 1832 at the Holitna
and Kuskokwim Rivers junction, was within the area of Athapaskan
Indian occupancy and near an aboriginal trading site that attracted
Eskimos and Indians alike. The population of this immediate locality
was so scattered, mobile, and sparse, that the purpose of the trading
enterprise was not realized fully. This led to the abandonment of the
original station and the founding of a second at the village of Kwigium-
1 Much of the general information concerning the Kuskowagmiut in this chapter has been summarized
from Oswalt, 1963 b.
2In previous publications Oswalt has incorrectly assumed that this explorer was Mikhail Nikolaevich
Vasil’ev (e.g., Oswalt, 1963 b, p. 8).
To ees CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 3
painukamiut in 1833 (Zagoskin, 1956, p. 258). Once the Russians
had an inland trading center on the Kuskokwim, they hoped to develop
an overland route from St. Michael on the Bering Sea coast to
Nicholaevskij Redoubt on Cook Inlet. An exploratory trip origi-
nated at St. Michael and was led by Andrei Glazunov. In the winter
of 1833-34 the party descended the Anvik River drainage by dogsled
to the Yukon River and crossed the low divide to the Kuskokwim.
It is likely that they reached the river a short distance upstream from
Crow Village and then sledded on to the Stony River junction. Their
attempt to ascend this river to a Pacific Ocean drainage ended in
failure and near disaster, but they returned successfully to St. Michael.
The Glazunov party was near the Crow Village location on two
separate occasions, and it is possible that they stopped there, if the
village existed at that time. The travel journal, however, has never
been published in detail (see VanStone, 1959).
The second Russian trading center, Kwigiumpainukamiut, was
occupied only briefly before it was abandoned. The third station was
built diagonally across the Kuskokwim from Kwigiumpainukamiut
and was named Kolmakov Redoubt. From the time of its occupancy
in 1841 until the Russian-American Company withdrew from the
Kuskokwim in 1866, Kolmakov Redoubt was the major interior
trading establishment. The only early Russian of note to leave a
published record of his Kuskokwim travels was the naval officer
Lieut. Lavrentij A. Zagoskin, who visited the river in 1843 and 1844.
Zagoskin’s was a trip of exploration and an effort to increase the
efficiency of the Russian-American Company trading operations.
He landed at St. Michael during July of 1842 but did not ascend the
Kuskokwim until November of 1848. On the 23d of November he
left the Yukon River settlement of Ikogmiut or Russian Mission for
Kolmakov Redoubt. On the 30th he stayed overnight at Crow
Village and arrived at Kolmakov in early December. He remained
at the redoubt, or in the vicinity, until early February of 1844, when
he returned to the Yukon drainage. In early April Zagoskin again
started toward the Kuskokwim and arrived there in the vicinity of
Kalskag. He apparently did not stop at Crow Village on this trip
to Kolmakov Redoubt (Zagoskin, 1956, pp. 206, 209-210, 211-212,
235-236, 255-256). In early May he made a trip by bidarka to the
upper Kuskokwim River as far as the vicinity of the Takotna River
junction, and at this point the narrative of his travels ends.
Zagoskin’s account of the Eskimos and Indians is neither long nor
extremely detailed, but it is sufficiently complete to arrive at some
general understanding of aboriginal life among the Kuskokwim
peoples. He makes a few specific comments about Crow Village, but
what he notes about the Kuskokwim Yupik in general may be in-
4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
terpreted as including the community of our primary interest. When
he was at Crow Village in 1848 all of the people except one man and
three women were attending a feast for the dead at Ohagamiut. At
the time there were 90 residents living in 5 dwellings (Petroff, 1884,
p. 37), and of this number 20 were Christians. Two of the Christian
families had been baptized at Alexandrov Redoubt on the Nushagak
River and only recently had moved to Crow Village. While Zagoskin
was at the community, one of the old women gave him fish for dogfood,
but the man stole his ax. In April of 1844, Zagoskin was at Kolmakov
when two Crow Village natives who had been hunting caribou and
beaver along the Aniak River came to trade, and after receiving
tobacco plus a large metal pot, they returned home (Zagoskin, 1956,
p. 267). These are Zagoskin’s only specific textual references to the
community and its people apart from references to the village location,
comments which make it clear that the Crow Village site is the same
settlement as that visited by Zagoskin.
The travel journal of Hieromonk Illarion, a Russian Orthodox
Church missionary to western Alaska, dates from 1861 to 1868. In
the summer of 1861 he went from St. Michael to the Yukon River,
across the portage to Kalskag, and then on to Kolmakov Redoubt.
The translated portions of the diary for this trip make no mention of a
stop at Crow Village. He did, however, visit there on October 30,
probably in the year 1863, and wrote the following diary entry
(Documents Relative to the History of Alaska, vol. 2, p. 110):
We stopped over at the village of Tulukanagmute [Tuluka] because of a snow-
storm, and I occupied myself with the natives, talking with them in their com-
munity hut. Among the subjects, we touched upon shamanism which they
(although baptized) cannot yet entirely discard. When I told them how severely
God punished and even exterminated the people for similar sins in ancient times,
they replied, ““You Russians have priests and doctors, but we have none. If
any one happens to fall ill, who can help us except the shaman?” Similar replies
I hear very often during my talks with the natives.
Tn the fall of 1866, when the purchase of Alaska by the United States
was being negotiated, Prince Dimitrij MakSutov, the Administrator-
General of Russian America, traveled to St. Michael to arrange local
details for the impending transfer. He decided to abandon Kolmakov
Redoubt, and it was noted by IIlarion (ibid., pp. 118, 121) that by
November of 1867 the church property had been removed. Thus
ends the formal record of Russian activities along the Kuskokwim
River.
The meanings of Russian activities in the lives of Crow Village
residents may be established only in the general framework of Russian
expansion into interior Alaska (Tikhmenev, 1861) and from the
Zagoskin and Illarion records. It is clear from these sources that the
primary purpose of Russian penetration was to extend the fur trade
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA =
northward. Trade items of Russian origin most probably were pres-
ent on the river before the Russians arrived. In prehistoric and early
historic times a flourishing trade existed across Bering Strait, and it
is reasonable to assume that it affected the Kuskokwim. One of the
responsibilities of Zagoskin was to determine how trade goods could
be diverted to and controlled by Russian traders (Zagoskin, 1956, p.
48).
While the Eskimos appear to have been willing to seek and utilize
Russian trade goods, they at first exhibited hostile feelings about the
presence of the Russians along the river. Vasil’ev and his party in
1830 constantly guarded against unexpected attack, and in face-to-
face relationships the people were hostile. Vasil’ev did, however,
gain the cooperation of some prominent men (Tikhmenev, 1861, p.
341; Zagoskin, 1956, pp. 44-45, 273). With the establishment of
the first trading cabin in Indian country in 1832, the central Kuskok-
wim Yupik gained the opportunity to receive trade goods more directly
but without having the Russians in the immediate vicinity. It is
significant also that the first trader, Semen Lukin, appears to have
had cordial relationships with the people (Zagoskin, 1956, p. 262).
When the first trading establishment was moved down the river to
Kwigiumpainukamiut, the village containing both Eskimos and
Indians, the transfer must have led to more intimate and direct
contacts with the Crow Village residents. Not only was the post
nearer, but at Kwigiumpainukamiut there were no doubt relatives
of the Crow Village people. Finally, the transfer of trading activities
to Kolmakov Redoubt stabilized the trading pattern. The number
of Russians occupied in trading activities was small, and consequently
they posed neither a social nor political threat to the Eskimos. The
traders maintained control over desirable products, and these could
be obtained through trapping activities. The Russian traders seem
to have asked little more of the people. It would be incorrect to
regard the Kuskokwim trading venture of the Russian-American
Company as a thriving business enterprise. Clearly the area was on
the fringe of Russian New World colonial holdings. Access from the
Bering Sea coast redoubts was difficult, which made physical ties with
administrative centers tenuous.
During the early American period the trading posts continued with
many of the same characteristics as seen before. The Russian-
American Company monopoly was replaced by its successor and
lineal descendant, the Hutchinson, Kohl & Company. The old
Russian trading stations, including Kolmakov, continued to function
until at least 1885, even at times with Russian employees. Within
a few years Hutchinson, Kohl & Company had reorganized as
the Alaska Commercial Company, and its major point of redistribu-
6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
tion moved to Bethel nearer the Kuskokwim River mouth. At
about this time Kolmakoy possibly was abandoned as a store, al-
though it reopened temporarily from 1910 to 1914 during a gold
stampede (Maddren, 1915, p. 308). Apparently there was never a
store at Crow Village, but it is recorded in the U.S. Commissioner
records at Aniak that Simon Kiogiack was a trader at ‘“‘Crow Village”
in 1919 and William Unalachluck in 1921. These Eskimos in all
likelihood had in their homes a small stock of goods which they traded
locally for the Alaska Commercial Company or an independent
trader. For reasons cited later it seems likely that these trading
activities did not take place at the Crow Village site but at a nearby
locality. The same pattern, however, could well have existed at the
site. Precisely where the major trading stations were along the
central Kuskokwim River around the turn of the century cannot be
stated with authority. Probably the most important store was at
Ohagamiut. In any event the Crow Village Eskimos were able to
obtain goods from a trader in the general area, but it is probable that
supplies were neither diverse nor extremely plentiful.
The first census in which Crow Village reappears after the enumera-
tion by Zagoskin is the Federal census of 1880. It is recorded that
59 individuals lived there (Petroff, 1884, p. 16). In the Federal
census of 1890 the population is recorded as 17; 8 males and 9 females
(Porter, 1893, p. 6). The village is not listed in subsequent decennial
census reports.
No textual references are known to exist regarding Crow Village
between the time of the Illarion comments and a remark made by
the Moravian missionary William Henry Weinland. Weinland,
while traveling up the Kuskokwim River in 1884 to select a site for
a mission, records in his unpublished diary that on July 1st the party
camped on an island near ‘‘Tvoluka-anahamut.”’ In a list of the
major villages along the central sector of the river he does not record
Crow Village, but he wrote a note concerning the occurrence of other
settlements which were deserted or consisted of only one or two
dwellings. Presumably Crow Village would be in one of the latter
categories (Weinland Coll., W. H. Weinland diary entries July 1, 7,
1884).
The period around the turn of the present century was recalled by
informants who were familiar with the community while it still was
occupied. One Eskimo, Anania Theodore, who was born along the
Kuskokwim and who has lived at Aniak much of his adult life, stated
that he visited Crow Village in 1901 or 1902 when there were about
six resident families. Matthew Berezkin, a former Russian Orthodox
priest, stopped here about 1906, and he recalled in 1956 that there
were three resident families living on the site at the earlier date.
Wan Stone! CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 7
Mr. Berezkin said further that it was abandoned when he traveled
down the river in 1912. By the latter date, he said, the old village
was deserted and its former residents had moved downstream about
1 km., just below a bluff on the same side of the river. ‘The reason
the site had been abandoned, again according to Berezkin, was that
a change in the river channel caused silt to be deposited in front of
the village and made it difficult to land a boat there.
Another means for establishing the terminal date of occupancy
has been to consult the files of the U.S. Commissioner at Aniak.
The birth records available, for the period 1914 through 1942, were
helpful since they include the year and place of birth of an individual
as well as the parents’ places of birth and ages at that time. These
records also add an element of confusion since Crow Village is not
distinguished from ‘‘New’’ Crow Village. Nonetheless, it is possible
to make a few pertinent comments after discussing the records with
informants. For example, one particular child was born at “New”
Crow Village in 1914, while his father was born at ‘Old’? Crow
Village in 1887. Another man was born at “Old” Crow Village in
1893, and a woman was born there in 1887. This is slight but
significant evidence to support the Berezkin statement that the
old site was abandoned before 1912.
One Eskimo, Sam Phillips, or ‘‘Crow Village Sam”’ as he is better
known, was born at the site in 1893, if his estimated age of 70 in
1963 is correct. The memories of his youth are neither systematic
nor vivid, but he was able to recount certain facts concerning the
settlement. He lived there until he was about 10 years of age and
then moved to the new downriver settlement. According to him
most of the people moved away from the site just after the kanukpuk
or ‘‘big sickness,’”’ as the influenza epidemic of 1900-1901 is termed.
Probably Sam’s family relocated at this time too, since his age today
and his age when he left the site are both approximations. This
particular epidemic, according to a medical doctor stationed at
Bethel during the time, claimed the lives of about half of the adults
and all babies (Anderson, 1940, p. 198; Romig, 1901, pp. 33-34;
Schwalbe, 1951, pp. 84-85).
Sam Phillips and Anania Theodore offered the following specific
observations about the site when it was occupied. ‘The abandoned
settlement is located in a semicircular depression that is backed by
a ridge on all sides that do not face the river. At present there are
birch trees growing on the surrounding hillside, but when the site
was occupied, the trees and brush purposely were cleared away in
order to give a distinct view of the ridge. The clearing was a protec-
tive device enabling the residents to see anyone approaching from
the land side, a route that would be followed only by unfriendly
222-189-672
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
persons. Sam offered this description, but did not place a great
deal of faith in its validity. Crow Village was so named because
ravens have been attracted to the vicinity for a long time. They
nest nearby and frequently are seen flying about the village. This
was true when the site was occupied and was still true in 1963.
Another tradition is about a spring forming a small stream that
divided the village into two segments. The old people believed
that if the spring were to go dry the salmon would cease to run in the
river.
Ale’ Hrdlitka (1948, pp. 319-320) visited the Crow Village site in
1930 and described it as follows:
Reach Old Crow site, and greeted by cawing. See crows on trees back of the
site—must be something favorable here for these birds. Water here shallow,
boat anchored off. Get to bank over dark sticky mud from which it is hard to
pull boots, and over willow brush. Site itself on a rather high irregular elevation,
covered with rank grass, and full of smaller or bigger holes into which one falls
again and again—as usual. After exploring find a few above-ground burials in
the edge of the woods. Laborious to uncover skeletons, and these in poor condi-
tion. Secure barely parts of two and an adolescent skull.
Hrdli¢ka reproduced a photograph of the site, in which it appears
much the same as in 1963. Informants recalled that the burials ob-
tained by him were taken from part way up the ridge on the upriver
end of the site. With the description by Hrdlitka end the known
historical references to Crow Village.
EXCAVATIONS
When first seen from the Kuskokwim River, the site appears as a
grassy ridge some 14 m. above the river level. Scattered along the
irregular surface are young birch trees, while behind the ridge on all
flanks except the one facing the river is a steep hillside covered with
large birches and a few spruce. Between the riverbank and the base
of the ridge is a dense thicket, of alders and willows, which is up to
15 m.in width. Landing a boat in front of the site is difficult because
the river becomes shallow very gradually toward the shore. The soft
alluvium next to the bank on which the alders grow is interspersed
with pools of standing water, and the thicket is impossible to penetrate
with ease. There is every reason to accept informants’ statements
that the site was abandoned primarily because of this building bank.
Toward the site beyond the alders is a low discontinuous bench with
driftwood at its upper margin. The driftwood represents the height
of spring floodwater. The luxuriant growth of bunchgrass on the
site makes walking difficult, and scattered depressions in the grass are
another obstacle. Once the site is reached, attention is attracted to
one large and obvious depression. This is the outline of the cere-
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 9
monial structure or kashgee mentioned by Zagoskin, Ilarion, and
informants (see fig. 7 for reconstruction). In the 3-meter pit is an
exuberant growth of alders in 1.5 m. of standing water. Just up-
stream from the kashgee are the remains of two adjoining house pits,
each with construction posts protruding above the sod layer. Down-
stream beyond these houses and the kashgee is a small house pit, and
in a slight draw still farther downstream are the remnants of cache
poles. Across the small streambed near the middle of the site the
first sign of former occupation to be seen on the upriver section is
four posts marking where a cache probably once had stood. A little
farther is another set of cache posts near the tunnel of a dwelling,
while beyond this house is still another house. <A search along the
irregular brow of the ridge facing the river led to the discovery of
midden debris just downstream from the kashgee entrance. The
midden material was eroding out of the bank and was the first sector
of the site to be tested. In 1953 Oswalt dug into the face and re-
covered wooden artifacts and a few trade items, but the excavation in
1953 was limited to tests here and elsewhere over the site. In 1954
the authors excavated an adjacent midden section 5.4 by 9.1 m. to a
depth of up to 1.2 m., which represented the maximum thickness of
the cultural debris.
The purpose of the 1963 field season was to excavate the site as
fully as possible. The first step was to strip the sod layer from each
of the five house pits, their adjoining tunnels, and entryways when
these existed. An additional area of sod measuring 4.6 by 4.9 m. was
stripped from the brow of the ridge adjoining the 1954 excavation.
A second smaller midden was found in front of the two houses with
adjacent entryways (H-3, H-4), and here the sod was stripped from
an area measuring 1.8 by 5.6m. An attempt was made to drain and
excavate the kashgee; however, it could be drained only partially
because of the depth of the water and the nature of the surrounding
slope. Excavating the houses and middens to their completion was
in itself a full-time task, and it is doubtful whether the kashgee could
have been excavated completely in the time available. It should
be added that the midden debris found in front of the kashgee most
probably represents a sample of materials to be found in this structure.
HOUSES
Excavation of the houses posed no particular problems that are not
already familiar to archeologists who have worked in the Arctic or
subarctic. The usual difficulties surrounding the rate of thaw and
drainage after a rain were encountered. When we arrived at the site
on June 8, the 50-cm. layer of sod still was frozen partially. Thus it
was necessary to strip away the thawed upper sod and to repeat the
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
process a few days later for the lower sod. In general it was found that
two individuals could remove the upper sod of one house a day. Then
a 2- or 3-day interim was necessary for the thaw to penetrate the
lower sod layer, and another day of labor was required to remove it.
The debris between the sod and floor was removed in 2 or 3 days’
time depending on house size and other conditions, while the floor of a
house was excavated in about 2 days. The only problem encountered
was with reference to the frozen ground in one section of a tunnel
(H-3) that had not thawed by the time the other houses had been
excavated. Another problem, that of draining rainwater from the
house pits, necessitated the excavation of a complex series of ditches
which consumed time and effort but yielded no artifact rewards.
Certain generalizations about the five houses at Crow Village are
appropriate before discussing the details for each one in particular.
First, it should be stated that all of the houses were occupied simul-
taneously during the period of early historic contact. Zagoskin in his
population table (reproduced in Petroff, 1884, p. 37) records that there
were five houses and 90 residents. He probably compiled these
statistics while visiting the Kuskokwin River in late 1843 or early
1844. Thus, we are dealing with a cluster of contemporaneous resi-
dences. The similarities or differences which occurred in house
construction potentially represent therange of technological knowledge
available to all local housebuilders. This is not to say, however, that
the houses were all built at exactly the same time.
In constructing the houses no effort was made to use stone although
it was available at the nearby bluff and even on sections of the site
proper. The builders, with a single exception, restricted themselves
to the use of wood and natural features. In each instance an excava-
tion, slightly larger than the proposed house, was made in the ground
before the wood construction was begun. Thus all the houses were
semisubterranean dwellings. In one case (H-1) the excavation was
shallow, since bedrock protruded through the floor. The natural
slope of the hillside at the rear of H—1, H-2, and H-5 was dug into so
that the hill formed the rear walls. This mode of construction is not
associated in any obvious manner with the absence of level ground
upon which to build, but seems to be a culturally defined preference.
The species of wood employed in house construction were spruce
and cottonwood. Spruce was utilized for all wall logs and uprights,
while spruce and cottonwood were used for roof timbers. The roof
beams in all but H-5 had disappeared. At the level of the roofs
were recovered either sheets of birchbark or coils of birchbark; the
latter no doubt had been flat originally. In one instance (H-5)
the sheeting clearly was above the roof beams and served as a pro-
tective layer. It is very likely that, on the roofs of all the houses,
ati en CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 11
sod or dirt was placed on top of the birchbark sheets to keep them
from coiling and to form a more substantial protective cover. In
each house there was clear evidence that some of the construction
timbers had been removed prior to the collapse of the dwelling.
Tt should also be noted that cottonwood disintegrates rapidly after
it has been cut. Timbers from an abandoned house would provide a
ready supply of firewood or seasoned construction timbers. The
removal of these logs, or their disintegration, increased the difficulties
in determining certain details of house construction, particularly
with regard to roofs.
Tunnel entrances are common features of Eskimo dwellings, and
they occurred on the houses with one exception (H-1). The tunnels
of three houses (H-2, —4, —5) opened toward the riverbank, while one
(H-3) paralleled the bank in an upstream direction. The depths of
the tunnel floors varied from being essentially the same level as the
house floors (H-2, -4, —5) to beneath the floor level, thus forming a
cold trap (H-3). In each instance where a tunnel was present a log
or planks separated the inner tunnel entrance from the house floor,
and the tunnel did not protrude into the house. A series of parallel
horizontal logs or planks formed the tunnel sidewalls (H-3, -4, —5)
or else short vertical logs with horizontal retainers occurred (H-2).
Short, split, horizontal logs consistently were placed on top of the
tunnel wall logs and at right angles to these to form the tunnel roofs.
Contrary to the situation for the houses, the tunnels were not robbed
of logs prior to their collapse; it may be assumed that it was too
difficult to remove them for secondary use. Even though the tunnels
were in a good state of preservation and undisturbed by man after
the abandonment of the houses, it is probable that the sides were
compressed somewhat from pressure by the earth, particularly after
the roof logs decayed. Thus, the tunnels are probably somewhat
narrower than they were when the houses were occupied.
Of the four houses with tunnels, three had entry rooms at the outer
entrance to the tunnel. In each instance most of the logs had been
removed before the structures collapsed, and therefore only general
remarks may be made concerning their features. The entry room
for H-5 was rectangular with walls formed of split spruce logs or
poles. At the opening to the entry room, part of a doorway was
recovered which was similar to one found at the tunnel opening for
H-3. One entry room served two houses (H-3, —4), and it too was
rectangular, its only additional feature being that it contained an
ash layer in one corner.
In overall plan the houses ranged from virtually square (H-1, -3),
to square with one skewed corner (H-4), to rectangular with the
longer sides at right angles to the entrance (H-2, -5). The peripheral
12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
horizontal base logs usually were hewn, with the exceptions of a rear
wall log (H-1), two sidewall logs (H-2, -3), and one front wall log
(H-5), all of which were unmodified along their longitudinal surface.
In H—4 the base logs were hewn, while the verticals forming the outer
front wall were split. When horizontal base logs occurred, there
were occasional small poles driven into the ground next to the logs
(H-1, -2, -5) which probably served as support posts to keep the
horizontals in place. In one instance (H-3), the base log, or the
vertical wall logs which formed the base and wall, were missing,
while in the fronts of H-2 and H-3 vertical split wall logs apparently
negated the need for base logs. On the floors of all the houses dried
grass was found everywhere except in the center. Furthermore,
sheets or coils of birchbark were scattered about the house floors.
Near the center of each house a hearth was found. Each fireplace
consisted of a wood ash concentration, but it was never surrounded
by stones or clearly delineated in any manner. In the center of
each floor there was a highly compressed layer which gave every
sien of being a well trodden surface. Rarely was anything except
beads recovered from this layer. In this context it should be pointed
out that when a house roof was removed, fell in, or burned, the
covering of sod would fall in and quantities of windblown silt would
first be deposited along the walls. Grasses would flourish in the
peripheral area, but the center of the house would%be*more exposed
to seasonal thaw and would probably contain standing water.
Therefore, organic artifacts left in the center of a house would be
quite likely to decay.
The log arrangement within the houses varied widely. In one
dwelling (H-3), where the most extensive postoccupancy log pilfering
seems to have taken place, there were no logs which could be inter-
preted as representative of internal structural features. In the two
rectangular dwellings (H-2, —5), only sidewall benches were present,
while in two others (H—1, —4) benches occurred along the side as well
as the back walls. A plank-covered bench was present in H—4, and
in all likelihood planks covered the benches in H-2. When there
were rear benches, lampstands were found at the front of the bench
(H-1, —4).
Roof form is more difficult to reconstruct than any other feature of
house construction, but again there is rather clear evidence of con-
siderable variation. H-1 had the remains of vertical posts almost
equidistant from the sidewalls, and H-3 originally had the same type
of arrangement but was now missing one post. The four posts
probably supported four horizontal beams on their tops, and short
roof poles stretched from the beams to the sidewalls in all four direc-
tions. This is the typical four-post center type of roof construction.
Sachider ad CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 1:
H-5 had this roof form with modifications; here the rear posts were
adjacent to the back wall while the forward pair were set into the
house a short distance from the front wall. The original four-post
center roof of H—3 was replaced later by a variation of the four-post
center type with the placement of the four posts near, or in, the front
and rear walls. There is no indication in H-2 that four vertical
posts ever existed. Were they present originally, it would be expected
that they would be found, since this structure has the best preserved
interior. In this instance it is assumed that a flat roof existed, but
this cannot be demonstrated empirically. At the same time there
is no evidence concerning roof construction in H-4, but the arrange-
ment of logs in the northwest corner suggests that the roof may have
been cribbed.
One further comment concerning house roofs is worthwhile. The
residents of the houses, particularly those in H-3 and H-4, must have
worked on top of the roof, for artifacts were found in the lower sod
layer. These were almost always inorganic, suggesting that if
organic items were left on the roof they decayed before the time of
the excavations.
Howse 1
Before excavation, this house (fig. 1) appeared from the original
ground surface to be older than the others; the wall outline was less
distinct, the center of the depression was more irregular, there was less
bunchgrass growing in the pit and very little standing water in it.
Once the excavation was completed, however, it appeared from struc-
tural features that our initial estimate of its age was incorrect. Per-
haps this is a worthwhile observation to make about age estimates
based on surface appearances. The builders of this house made a
shallow excavation for the forward area of the floor but dug into the
steep hillside at the back of the foundation and utilized the hillside as
the rear wall. Additionally, the ends of the sidewall logs at the rear
of the house were embedded in the hill More hand-hewn construction
logs were recovered here than in any other house, and in one front
corner they were found stacked four high. In this southeast corner,
it appeared from the height of the exterior sod that, originally, layers
of sod probably were piled around the outside of the house front. The
inference drawn from the abundance of hewn logs present is that the
technological knowledge of how to square logs and the equipment
necessary to do so were available to the builders, but this is less ob-
viously the case with reference to the other structures. This dwelling
did not have a tunnel such as was found attached to each of the other
houses. Instead, in the wall facing the river, there was a gap that
must have been an opening for a door. The outer wall construction
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
details suggest that here we have an attempt to build a log cabin but
without a detailed knowledge of cabin construction, since the front
corners were not mortised. From the number of small vertical poles
placed along the inner front and sidewalls it would appear that these
el
meter
Ficure 1.—House 1.
walls did not remain vertical as the builders had hoped, probably be-
cause the logs were stacked but not interlocked at the front corners.
The problem of sidewall stability probably was not as critical since
some balance would have been achieved there with the log ends em-
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 15
bedded into the hillside. At the rear of the house, in front of the bench,
a stout split log was placed along the excavated surface. This log ap-
parently was not sufficient to hold the ground behind it since three
substantial vertical posts were embedded in front of the log to hold it
in place. A wooden lampstand was similarly placed and served the
same function as the posts but only secondarily. This stand was 60
em. high and had been made by cutting a spruce burl horizontally
across the middle. On the eastern side of the house there was prob-
ably a bench, but only one supporting log remained. The bench sup-
port and the absence of debris beneath where the bench would have
been lead to this conclusion. The outer walls, the absence of an entry
room or tunnel, and the presence of a doorway all suggest that this
house had the outward appearance of acabin. However, the roof con-
struction was not similar to that of a cabin but was of the four-post
center form. If these interpretations are correct, the structure rep-
resents a novel dwelling type.
House 2
This was the smallest house at Crow Village as well as the one
which contained the fewest artifacts and the thinnest layer of cultural
debris on the floor (fig. 2). Like H-1, this too was assumed to be
older than the houses beyond the draw. The reasons for the as-
sumption were the same as for H-1, but again it is doubtful that they
were valid. All indications are that H-2 was occupied for a shorter
period than the other structures. It was built into the hillside, and
the excavated area was used as part of the back wall. One unusual
feature of this house was that a stone was placed beneath one of the
horizontal bench supports, apparently in an effort to level the support.
It was here that the only use of stone was observed in house con-
struction. Another unusual feature was the use of extremely large
heavy beams for supports beneath the benches. No reason for the
use of such large logs is apparent. The only possible explanation is
that they were cut and available. It is difficult also to understand
why small poles were placed on the excavated surface at the north-
west corner of the house and then construction logs placed on top.
This may have been done as a leveling technique, but such an explana-
tion does not seem adequate. No details of roof construction are
available, but from the size of the structure it might have had a flat
roof. The tunnel of this house was not unusual in any way, but it is
noteworthy that no entry room was attached.
Houser 3
As mentioned previously, this dwelling (fig. 3) had been rather
thoroughly stripped of construction logs after its abandonment but
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
before its collapse. The most striking feature was the depth of the
floor debris in comparison with the debris in all the other houses,
suggesting that it was occupied for a longer period of time or else
more intensively. The floor layer was not everywhere continuous,
WY
meter
Ficure 2.—House 2.
which leads to the assumption that the structure was abandoned
temporarily about halfway through its course of occupancy. Em-
bedded in the floor were the bases of three heavy posts which probably
0 It d
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 17
represented three of the four posts necessary for four-post center roof
construction (see fig. 3). Each of the posts had been cut off beneath
the upper level of the floor debris. From this we would infer that the
Ficure 3.—House 3.
original house roof was of the typical four-post center form, but this
roof was removed, clean soil scattered about purposefully or acci-
dentally, and a second roof constructed. The vertical logs for support-
ing the second roof were set near or in the front and rear walls. These
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
posts are quite near the lateral walls and possibly made up a complex
pitched roof or one that was cribbed. Just beneath the sod layer was
found a large quantity of charcoal, suggesting that the final roof had
burned. The base logs along the floor, however, were not burned.
The occupational break for construction of a second roof was of brief
duration, as evidenced by the continuity in imported pottery, window
glass, and bead forms which were recovered throughout the floor. The
four sections of logs scattered about the house floor probably were
left in their positions by the persons who had removed the other logs
and do not represent any meaningful structural association. In the
present context it is notable that there was no evidence of benches.
Had they been present it is likely that some indication of them would
have been found.
The thickness of the occupation level, the two periods of roof con-
struction, and the depth of the tunnel all suggest that this dwelling
is older than any of the others at the site. Elsewhere in Alaska deep
tunnels forming a cold trap are chronologically earlier than tunnels
with the floors at the same level as the house floor (Giddings, 1952,
p. 112). The tunnel in H-3 was in a fine state of preservation. At
the inner end a hewn sill marked the approach, while at the outer end
the entrance was defined by two planks fitted together and cut away
at one end to form an oval opening, probably at the ground level.
At the outer entrance the tunnel opened on an entry room which was
at the same level as the house floor. ‘The amount of ash in one corner
of this room represents another hearth which may have been shared
with occupants of the adjoining house (H-4).
Houser 4
Before excavation the pit contained some 30 cm. of standing water,
and numerous posts protruded through the sod. This house (fig. 4)
was in a better state of internal preservation than any of the others.
The plank-covered bench was intact, except for frost heaving, which
was contrary to the situation in all the other dwellings. Around the
bench support in the northwest segment of the house a metal band was
found in place, and three similarly constructed bands were recovered
nearby. The one band still in place was bent around the sides of a
horizontal support log and had a compressed S-shaped fold at each
end. It is assumed from the location of this specimen that it served
to hold the bench planks in place. There were, however, no nail
holes in the metal for attachment to the log, indicating that the bands
may have been bound to the planks. Beneath this bench were
found three bench plank supports. Two were resting on their sides,
while the third was upright beneath a rather thin section of plank
(see pp. 36,50 for descriptions of the clamps and bench plank
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 19
Ficure 4.—House 4.
supports). Neither the opposite sidewall bench nor the rear wall
bench were plank covered. Furthermore, they gave no indication of
ever having been different from the way in which they were found.
Near the center of the floor adjacent to the ash layer was a cluster of
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
fire cracked stones which unquestionably had been used in cooking.
Two lampstands were found in place just in front of the rear bench.
One of these, like the lampstand in H-1, was made from a spruce
burl, while the other was constructed from a piece of spruce root with a
section of the trunk attached. At the front of the house along the
southeastern wall the bases of all the split vertical wall posts were
intact, while the poles along the adjoining wall, on the opposite side
of the tunnel entrance, had been removed except for the corner post.
The entrance to the tunnel was marked by two vertical planks over
which it was necessary to step to enter the tunnel from the house.
Likewise at the opposite end of the tunnel was a well-worn log sill.
The entry room outline was obscure, but it was shared by the residents
of H-3. The type of roof construction for this dwelling is problemati-
cal. The roof was not of the four-post center type nor a modification
of this form. There is rather good evidence in the northwest corner
that the roof was cribbed since a short horizontal log was found
resting on the rear base log and on a short vertical post along the
northern sidewall. It is conceivable that similar construction features
were present in the remaining corners.
Howse 5
The two dwellings which seem to have been occupied for the shortest
length of time were H-2 and H-6 (fig. 5). Both had thin layers of
floor debris and contained relatively few artifacts. H-—5 had better
preserved roof construction logs than did any other dwelling, which is
its one important feature. Split roof beams of spruce and cottonwood
were found along the southwestern segment of the house. The bases
of these beams were outside the house proper, and the beams reached
into the dwelling to the central floor area. Originally they were held
up toward the center of the floor by two of the four posts employed
in a modified four-post center roof construction. The benches were
along the lateral walls and were covered with a heavier layer of grass
than was found on the benches of the other houses. Indications are
that these benches were never plank covered. The log-lined tunnel
had a floor which was at a slightly lower level than the house floor,
while the division between the house and the inner extent of the
tunnel was marked by the front wall base log. The tunnel entry
room was rectangular in outline, and like the house it unquestionably
had been robbed of logs prior to its collapse. The one significant
feature of entry room construction which could be discerned was that
the entrance to this structure was marked by split planks with an
oval hole cut into them; one of these planks was recovered.
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 21
Gap U
Ficure 5.—House 5.
CACHES AND CABIN
The remains of three different sets of vertical posts were located
on the unexcavated surface of the site. These posts extended from
about half a meter to a meter above the sod layer. They were
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
TABLE 1.—House construction features
House No.
Feature
ixcavated ,oundation=a2eeeeu ells ee x x
Ground slope served as a rear wall________- x X 2/435. ae
Spruce wall logs or poles. i Js. 5-22-22 x xK
Spruce or cottonwood roof beams- -------- x x
Birchbark sheets or coils at fallen roof level__| x
Logs removed before collapse of the house_-| x
‘(Runnels 2 Seo AOR ORE Fee Bee ae x
Shallow efloore 2). 42)e Spee Be 2 el <
TD Seo TOOT yee ee amy kay Ce i |e paper ee ye eee oe, ho
Wall logsthorizontal 12 Gos See ee ee ee x *K x<
Wiallilogsiviertical a2) aee cs kee | ee xX Leelee ee
Short split tunnel roof logs_______---_|_____- x x
unneWentry rooms fe eee ee | eee eee x
House:
Dimensions virtually square___-_-_--- De y el ete x Pann eet
Dimensions rectameularses. see es eee Ze Sea eee x
Outer wall base logs: hewn orsplit. —- |... 12 eee b= se ale ee
Outer wall base logs hewn or unpre-
paredas bale eee ae eae oe x x Xx pa x
Vertical outer wall logs along front of
MOUSC# sa ee ee eee xX (?) x
Grass over most of the floor surface___-| x x x x
Birchbark sheets or rolls on the floor__| x x x
Benches:
Lampstand in front of rear bench__-_-_-- p< om rai = = ye NS ny Se
Roof:
Hour: post.center. tec j24 JA 2 Gets Seth See XD in eee
Modified four post center roof_.=...--|------|------ <i(2)5 |e Sees x<
latroohi totes. See oo AR eee a xX | eee eee
always in groups of four and in rectangular arrangements. These
post arrangements were the foundations for caches which were erected
on platforms above the posts. One set of posts, in a draw at the
downriver end of the site, was thought initially to have been a house.
However, excavation of the area to a depth of 60 cm. clearly revealed
that the ground beneath the posts was sterile and had not been
disturbed by the builders of the cache. Another set of cache posts
posed a different kind of problem. These were located downstream
from the side of H—2, where an excavation was made beneath the posts
(Test 3) and a few artifacts were recovered, none of which was in a
defined cultural layer. Undisturbed soil was found about 30 cm.
beneath the sod. Oswalt was convinced that the logs represented the
corners of a cache, while the two horizontal logs on the ground were
fallen supports for the cache. VanStone considered that this could
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 23
have been a cabin that was almost completely removed after it was
abandoned. In support of VanStone’s conclusion is the statement by
Sam Phillips, who lived on the site as a boy, that a cabin once had
stood at or near this particular location. This cabin must have been
removed, as VanStone assumed, but there is no satisfactory explana-
tion for the vertical post if this was indeed the location of the cabin.
We may conclude that a cabin existed toward the end of the site’s
occupancy, judging from the informant’s statement, but whether
or not it was at this particular spot remains conjectural. The only
other cache post remains were near the tunnel entrance to H-2, and
it must have been a relatively small cache. Other caches probably
existed on the site judging from the number of rotting logs on the
ground and the occurrence of isolated posts such as were found in the
slight draw between the two segments of the site.
KASHGEE
As mentioned earlier, the kashgee was not excavated because of the
problem of draining the water out of the pit and the limited amount of
time available for the excavation. The depression measured about
7.6 m. wide, 5.8 m. long, and had a maximum depth from the rim of
3m. A test excavation in the downriver comers indicated that heavy
vertical posts probably were used in the wall construction. All of
these posts were charred at the top, leading to the conclusion that
the kashgee probably had burned. Surprisingly, informants were
unable to confirm this conclusion. The kashgee entrance faced the
river, but from surface indications it could not be established whether
it had a short tunnel or simply a wide entry room leading directly
into the structure. Statements by informants were to the effect that
a tunnel connected the kashgee with an entry room.
MIDDENS
In 1953 and 1954, a 5.4-m. by 9.1-m. section of the midden in front
of the kashgee was excavated. In 1963, digging was continued into
this midden deposit with the further excavation of an area 4.6 by 4.9 m.
These excavations were jointly termed test 1 (T-1). During the 1963
field season it was observed that there was a slight rise in front of the
joint entry room to houses 3 and 4. Sampling this area revealed that
here, too, was a midden deposit, and it was excavated fully (T-2).
The only other test cut of any note was made at the cache or cabin
location (T-3).
At Crow Village there was a differential potential for the recovery of
midden debris associated with any specific house. H-1 was located
very near the riverbank, and it is highly likely that the residents
threw their trash over the bank. H-2 was set farther back from the
p22-1s8 678
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
bank, but there was no sign of a midden in front of it, and again it is
assumed that the residents threw their trash over the riverbank.
This situation might have been anticipated considering the very thin
layer of cultural debris found on the floor of this dwelling. The
generalization made for H—2 may be applied to H-5 since the same
situation existed here. H-3 and H-4, however, were much farther
from the riverbank, and the residents carried their trash only a short
distance toward the river before dropping it. This was the only
midden (T-2) located in association with the houses. It measured
3.0 by 6.1 m., and the cultural debris ranged in thickness from 80 cm.
nearest the entrance of the houses to a few centimeters at the front
of the deposit. ‘The midden was not consolidated but consisted of
leached organic material, silt, and scattered artifacts. The scarcity
of artifacts and the likelihood that they were all deposited over a
comparatively brief period of time led to the analysis of these speci-
mens as a unit.
The kashgee residents carried their trash farther than the residents
of any of the houses and threw it over the riverbank. Extensive
testing from the kashgee entrance to the riverbank demonstrated that
very little was dropped between these two points. At the time the
kashgee occupants began to deposit their trash along the riverbank the
dropoff was about 4.6 m. farther back than it was at the time of the
excavations. The T-1 debris consisted primarily of wood chips.
These were recovered throughout the midden and were more con-
centrated in some areas than others. When the abundance of wood
chips decreased, the debris consisted of discontinuous lenses of silt,
and concentrations of salmonberry seeds. The latter represented
decaying human feces. The thickness of this deposit ranged from a
few centimeters toward the kashgee, to 1.2 m. at the brow of the
ridge, to sterile soil where the bank fell off sharply. From the 1953
and 1954 excavations in this midden, it was established that the
artifacts recovered were of the same types throughout the depth of the
deposit. Therefore the entire midden collection from this excavation
(T-1) has been treated as a unit.
Scattered about the site but particularly at the downriver sector
were artificial pits dug into the ground. These were up to 2 m. in
depth and as much as 1 meter across. These were the remains of
pits for storing fish, and each was unlined. At the center of the back
wall of H-3 just beyond the structure was located a small birchbark
lined cache pit which was excavated. This pit was 50 cm. across
and approximately 40 cm. in depth. Along the inner facing of the
birchbark lining small sticks had been stuck into the ground to keep
the birchbark from falling into the hole. Nothing was recovered
from this or any of the other ground caches.
O lt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 25
COLLECTIONS
In this section the artifacts from Crow Village are described under
the major headings of locally manufactured goods and imported
manufactured goods. Further subdivisions under each of these head-
ings are according to the material used in the manufacture of the
artifacts. The approach is largely descriptive, and no exhaustive
comparative analysis is attempted. An analysis of the trade goods is
found in the discussion of continuity and innovation, pp. 68-77.
LOCALLY MANUFACTURED GOODS
Under this heading are included all artifacts manufactured locally
by Eskimos irrespective of whether or not they are traditional Eskimo
forms. Thus this section includes descriptions of artifacts made
from materials unknown to precontact Eskimos as well as forms that
were the direct product of the contact situation.
CHIPPED STONE
The items included under Chipped Stone are chipped predominantly
although some show additional stoneworking techniques. In most
instances the working edges are chipped, and other manufacturing
techniques are of secondary importance in the form and function of
the artifact. It is probable that many of the chipped stone artifacts,
particularly those of slate and basaltic material, are unfinished imple-
ments which would, in the process of their manufacture, have been
finished by grinding and polishing. It seems worth while, however,
to consider them here in order to emphasize the wide range of manu-
facturing techniques available to the 19th-century Eskimos at Crow
Village.
Hammerstones must have played an important part in tool manu-
facturing at Crow Village, and the 13 recognizable specimens of this
form vary widely in size and care taken in manufacture. Nine imple-
ments are roughly flaked basaltic cores which either have been blunted
at one end to form a hammering surface or else have been shaped to
fit the hand and show indications of their use on a flat surface. One
of the latter, in addition to having been grossly shaped by flaking,
also has been carefully pecked on the faces that would be grasped by
the hand. Of the four more carefully made specimens, all of basaltic
material, one is extremely large and heavy, 15 cm. in length, and has
large areas of unworked surface. The working surface, however, has
been chipped carefully, and there is evidence of considerable use.
The remaining three specimens are chipped carefully and have well
defined and skillfully prepared working surfaces (pl. 1, 7).
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
A single arrow point of blue chert is stemless with some attempt at
basal thinning and uneven flaking over the entire surface (pl. 1, f).
The general appearance of this artifact suggests greater antiquity
than that of the balance of the Crow Village lithic assemblage, and we
suspect it may have been picked up by hunters along one of the ridges
in back of the site.
Five implements are identified as blanks for end blades; all are made
of slate and have been worked roughly into blade form—perhaps to be
used ultimately as lance or man’s knife blades. One specimen ap-
pears to be finished except for grinding the edges (pl. 1, &), while the
others, as represented in plate 1, c, are relatively crude.
Three probable ulu blade blanks are of slate and are relatively small
with convex cutting edges; furthermore, each is tangless and roughly
flat across the top. The tapered and abraded upper edge of one
specimen (pl. 1, g) suggests that it was cut with a stone saw.
In addition to the blade blanks for identifiable implements men-
tioned previously, there are 13 roughly chipped slate and basaltic frag-
ments that appear to be blade blanks. All are thin in cross section,
vary in length from 3 to 9 cm., and presumably would eventually
have been made into finished blades or scrapers.
The single net sinker is simply a large, broken, basaltic beach
pebble crudely notched on opposite sides for lashing. Carefully
finished bone or antler net sinkers are not uncommon in the Crow
Village collection, but the single stone specimen suggests that this
particular form was rarely used.
Seven roughly made implements are identified as boulder-chip
scrapers. All are made from flat ovate sections of basalt. Three
were struck from beach-worn pebbles, while four have been struck
from the sides of larger cores (pl. 1, n). This type of tool has been
described by de Laguna (1934, pp. 60-61) as a boulder chip and by
Rainey (1939, p. 360) as a “‘tci-tho.”
Perhaps the most interesting category of chipped stone implements
is the scrapers. Side scrapers of flinty material include one relatively
large specimen with a carefully prepared working edge; this scraper
probably was used unhafted (pl. 1, e). The remaining seven examples
are crude flakes retouched on one or more edges. Two additional
fragments of quartz have steep carefully prepared working edges
(pl. 1, i). These may be hafted snub-nosed scrapers. End scrapers
are not so readily recognizable, and there is some doubt about the
use of the artifacts so identified. Six implements are regarded as
hafted end scraper blades. Two are of blue chert with steep working
edges (pl. 1, ). Three basalt samples are similarly shaped but larger
(pl. 1, d). A single end scraper is of soft sandy schist, thin in cross
section with a wide flaring working edge (pl. 1, a). One chert im-
ree ne CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA yr
plement has been identified as an unhafted end scraper (pl. 1, 6). It
has a steep crudely fashioned working edge, and the distal end has
been reworked to a point as if for use as a gouge.
In addition to the identifiable artifacts, there are eight unidenti-
fiable fragments characterized by chipping. All except a single
quartz fragment are made of basaltic material.
GROUND STONE
Objects of ground stone form the second largest category of arti-
facts in the collection, but the significance of this fact is obviated
somewhat because a relatively small number of types are represented.
The most abundant artifacts in this category are whetstones, of which
there are 101 specimens. These have been divided into three types
based largely on the nature of the stone from which they have been
made. ‘Those specimens belonging to type 1, of which there are 70,
are made of a relatively soft material ranging from coarse-grained
sandstone to a very fine grained sandy schist. Not a single example
of this type can be said definitely to be complete. In fact, the num-
ber of individual artifacts in this category may have been increased
by the tendency of the coarser-grained whetstones to exfoliate.
Many of the smallest fragments could be exfoliations from larger
implements. A wide range in size is represented. Four whetstones
in excess of 20 cm. in length and 10 cm. in width were discarded in
the field, while a number in the collection measure more than 15 cm.
in length. The smallest fragments are 2 to 4 cm. in length. All of
the type 1 specimens have at least two flat surfaces showing various
degrees of use. In most cases the unbroken edges of the whetstones
have been roughly worked, but only five can be said to be well shaped
(pl. 1, 2, m, 0). The illustrated specimens indicate the better made
examples.
Whetstones of type 2 number 19, but only 1 appears to be complete.
They have been shaped from relatively hard materials such as basalt
and silicified slate. They tend to be smaller than the whetstones
of type 1, the largest fragment being 11 cm. in length and most much
smaller. All specimens show wear on at least one surface; the best
examples are worked to a rectangular form and show wear on four
surfaces (pl. 1, p, 7).
Type 3 whetstones are beach-worn pebbles that had been picked
up and used as sharpening stones. There are 12 of these, 3 of which
are complete. All show some wear on at least one surface, and the
illustrated specimen shows considerable wear on four surfaces (pl. 1,
q). Nine implements are of a hard stone similar to type 2, while three
are of a soft material like those in type 1.
28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
A characteristic of whetstones in the Crow Village collection is
that some specimens show indications of a secondary use. Two of
the largest in type 1 have been used secondarily as hammerstones.
The truly secondary nature of this use is indicated by the fact that
the pits made by hammering occur on the worn surfaces. Two
small fragments, one belonging to type 2 and the other to type 3,
have small drilled holes about 2 mm. in depth, presumably indicating
their use as drill bearings. Nine whetstones, six from type 1 and
three from type 2, have deep, narrow striations on their worn surfaces
which are probably the result of their use as sharpeners of steel needles
(pl. 1, 2). On three of these implements the striations are as much
as 1 mm. in width, which would seem to suggest a heavy sailmaker’s
needle. ‘This indication of the use of whetstones as needle sharpeners
is of particular significance because no needles were found. Strictly
speaking, it may not be completely true that such a use for whetstones
was a secondary one. All of the striations, however, occur on worn
surfaces of specimens and in most cases are relatively sharp and clear.
Seven artifacts served as blades for end hafted skin scrapers. Hach
is of soft sandstone, and of the four reasonably complete specimens,
two have straight sides and are crudely fashioned except for the
working edge which is V-shaped in cross section (pl. 2, p). A single
scraper, also crude except for the working edge, is somewhat larger
than the others and tapers toward the proximal end (pl. 2, c). The
fourth complete specimen is double bladed with a roughened area
between the two working edges (pl. 2, d). If this implement is
indeed a scraper blade, it is difficult to imagine how it was hafted.
At first glance the roughened area between the two working edges
suggests hafting as a planing adz. However, a more likely explana-
tion in our opinion is that one working edge was made first and,
after considerable use, the other edge was made and the blade
rehafted.
At least two writers have commented on the difficulty of deter-
mining whether small blades similar to those described above were
used as planing adz blades or as skin scrapers (de Laguna, 1947,
p. 186; Oswalt, 1952, pp. 57-58, 61). Oswalt remarks that “the only
certain distinction between the small adz blades and scraper blades
is that the former would not be made of soft material; the latter,
however, might be made of either hard or soft stone’ (1952, p. 58).
Since all of the Crow Village specimens are of soft stone, they have
been described as scraper blades, although at least two specimens
might otherwise have been referred to as planing adz blades.
While whetstones presumably were used to sharpen previously
existing blade edges, a single artifact has been identified as a grinding
stone that would have been employed in the abrasion process during
Geralieng CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 29
tool manufacture. This specimen is made of basaltic material and
has either been pecked to a round shape or has achieved its form as a
result of use (pl. 2, 7).
The 10 slate end blade fragments in the Crow Village collection
have finely ground surfaces and bilateral cutting edges. Seven are
blade tips, two are basal fragments, and a single section is from the
center of a blade. All of the specimens are characterized by a hollow-
ground groove, apparently running parallel to the entire length of
the blade since it is noticeable even in the basal fragments. Little
can be said about the proximal ends of these implements except that
the two basal fragments narrow to a flat base (pl. 2, g, A).
Ulu blades of slate include 4 complete specimens and 17 recogniz-
able fragments. With regard to the shape of these implements,
the only consistent element is the convex outline of the cutting edge.
There is some degree of variability in this convexity, but the majority
of the blades have a semilunar shape. Of the four complete specimens,
two have tangs: one symmetrical (pl. 2, e) and the other irregular
(pl. 2, f). One blade has no tang and is nearly flat across the top
(pl. 2, 2), while the fourth is rounded at the proximal end (pl. 2, J).
None of the fragments is complete enough to indicate the presence
or absence of a tang. Grooving on two of the fragments probably
was accomplished with a stone saw.
Four fragmentary bladelike implements tentatively are identified
as stone saws. All are made of abrasive material and are comparable
in shape to skin scraper blades except for being somewhat larger and
having working edges that are more bluntly V-shaped (pl. 2, m). Two
specimens have striations along the working edge and parallel to it,
a characteristic which seems to suggest their use with a sawlike
movement.
Two fragments of splitting adz blades were recovered, but neither is
complete enough to provide much information about the shape of
these implements. One fragment is the distal end of what must have
been a sizable adz (pl. 2, k). This heavy blade, which is thicker than
it is wide, would have been lashed directly to an elbow or T-shaped
handle and presumably would have been used for rough work such as
chopping down trees and splitting logs. This basalt specimen appears
to have been shaped by pecking, with only the concave cutting edge
ground and polished. The second fragment is apparently from along
the back of an implement and would be unrecognizable as an adz
blade fragment except that a lashing knob is present.
Although there are only five examples in the collection, and only
two of them are complete, the planing adz blades conform to two
distinct types. Type 1, represented by a single complete specimen
and three sizable fragments, is large and presumably was fashioned
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
by primary flaking with only the cutting edge being finely polished.
This type, which has straight sides and is flat across the top, probably
would have been hafted directly to a shouldered handle (pl. 2, a).
The complete specimen of this type and two of the fragments are of
basaltic material, while the third fragment is of a more fine-grained
greenish stone like jadeite. The second type, represented by a single
complete specimen, also is crude except for the working edge but is
much smaller and tapers toward the distal end (pl. 2, b). Such a
blade presumably was fashioned for hafting in a socketed or bedded
adz head, although no such heads were recovered. The type 2 blade
closely resembles a previously described skin scraper blade (pl. 2, ¢)
but has been classified as a planing adz blade because of its manu-
facture from a hard basaltic material.
A large, irregularly shaped, sandstone boulder with a shallow,
carefully rounded and polished depression on one side has been
identified as a paint mortar or pigment grinder even though there
are few indications of use. The boulder itself is approximately 21
by 14 cm., while the depression, which is located to one side of the
stone, is 6.5 cm. in diameter. The round depression is somewhat
darker in color than the rest of the stone, and there are slight brown
stains around its rim. Another possible identification for this
specimen would be as a tobacco grinder.
A large fragment of a well-made stone dish is of basaltic material
which has been carefully pecked on both the inside and out. This
dish, which appears to be about three-quarters complete, was approxi-
mately 23 cm. in diameter and elliptically shaped. The rim, which
is flat, is less well finished than the rest of the vessel and has a definite
outward slope on two sides. A third side, which presumably resembles
a missing fourth, is perpendicular and has no rim.
Perhaps the most unexpected manufactures of stone in the collection
are two fragments of stone lamps. Since stone lamps never before
have been reported from the Kuskokwim River region, it is worth
considering these specimens in some detail. The largest fragment is
of very coarse-grained sandstone and has been constructed by means
of crude chipping and pecking. The complete lamp must have been
extremely large since this fragment contains a rim segment 22 cm.
in length without any indication of the shape of the complete object.
We would be inclined to think that this object might be part of a
large dish except that definite traces of a burned organic substance
are to be found on the inside. Since there is no indication of burning
on the outside surface of the specimen, its use as a cooking container
is ruled out. The second lamp fragment, also of a relatively coarse-
grained material, is much smaller and better made. The distinguish-
ing features of this fragment are a wide, flat, upper rim, a shallow bowl;
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 31
what was probably an evenly rounded exterior, and a convex bottom
(pl. 2,0). This type of lamp, as pointed out by Hough (1898, p. 102,
pl. 20), is typical of Kodiak Island. MHeizer also notes that Hrdlitka
collected two lamps of this type from living Koniag, ‘and there is
every reason to believe that this was the type in use on Kodiak at
the opening of the historic period” (Heizer, 1956, p. 33, pl. 26, e).
Roughly similar lamps are illustrated by de Laguna (1934, pl. 24,
1; 1956, pl. 24, 4) from Kachemak Bay and Prince William Sound.
Since pottery lamps were well established throughout the Kusko-
kwim River region and since stone lamps have not been reported
previously, it seems possible that the examples described from Crow
Village are not indigenous to the site but were traded into the area.
The large, crudely made fragment, though unusual in some ways,
is enough like crude specimens from Kachemak Bay and Prince
William Sound (de Laguna, 1934, pl. 23, 1; 1956, p. 25, 7) and probably
Kodiak Island, to have come from any one of those places. The
same can be said for the well-made fragment, although the evidence
here more definitely suggests that this is a Kodiak lamp.
The collection also contains half of a bullet mold made from fine-
erained sandstone. This bullet mold section consists of one flat sur-
face into which have been ground two circular depressions, each
roughly 1.5 cm. in diameter. At one end of either depression is a
groove which, when the identical other half of the mold was fitted to
this one, would allow the lead to be poured in. The opposite side of
the implement has not been finished but is distinguished by a distinct
lashing groove (pl. 2,n). The two halves of the mold would be lashed
tightly together before molten lead was poured, and then after the
metal had hardened, the halves could be separated and the completed
bullets removed.
Woop
Artifacts of wood form by far the largest part of the Crow Village
collection, with 250 identifiable objects made from this material. Be-
cause of the large numbers and wide variety of types, the artifact de-
scriptions have been grouped under 10 headings as follows: fishing,
land hunting, tools, household equipment, transportation, personal
adornment, tobacco complex, toys and games, ceremonial objects, and
miscellaneous and unidentified. It is hoped that by grouping the
wooden artifacts in this way, their significance in understanding the
pattern of living at Crow Village will be emphasized. It should be
noted at the outset that the types of wood employed for the manu-
facture of artifacts are spruce, birch, and cottonwood, with spruce
being used most frequently.
By BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
FISHING
The number of artifacts connected with fishing is surprisingly small,
considering the emphasis that one would expect to find on this form of
subsistence in ariver community. However, it should be remembered
that artifacts of other materials will, when described, give a more com-
plete picture of fishing as an activity.
As might be expected, objects associated with netting are of primary
importance. Of the eight mesh gages, five are complete; four of these
are for very small nets since the gaging distance on each is approxi-
mately 2.6 cm. (pl. 3, k, p). One of these specimens has a wrapping of
spruce root around the distal end, perhaps for the purpose of enlarging
the gaging distance (pl. 3, p). The other complete specimen has a
gaging distance of 11.2 cm. (pl. 3, 0), and two of the fragments are of
approximately the same size. It seems likely that the smaller gages
were used for seines or dip nets and the larger ones for gill nets.
Spruce net floats, of which there are four complete and three frag-
mentary specimens, are roughly rectangular in outline with laterally
drilled holes at each end for attachment to the net. In cross section
these implements have a rounded triangular form, narrow at the top,
and thick at the bottom. ‘The complete specimens range in length
from 11.5 to 21.0 em., and all are well made.
The single net shuttle recovered is very fragmentary, as both ends
are badly broken. The main body of the shuttle is slightly concave
on both sides and measures 11.5 cm. in length.
The one probable fishing rod is shuttle-shaped, 58 cm. in length,
and slightly flattened on both sides. This rod is crudely made and is
perhaps an unfinished specimen. A crudely made fragment with a
single notched end also may be part of a fishing rod. It is likely that
such implements were used for taking whitefish through holes in the
ice.
Lanp HuntTING
Each of the three blunt arrowheads in the collection is distinctive.
The first has a multifaceted tip which slopes to a long thin tang
(pl. 3, h), while the second is broad and flat across the distal end and
also slopes to a thin tang (pl. 3, 6). The third is a spent rifle cartridge
fitted over the end of a rounded shaft which slopes to a plain conical
tang. The cartridge case is held in place with a crude metal rivet
driven through both sides of the case and shaft (pl. 3, ¢).
There are eight spruce bow fragments in the collection, but only
one is complete enough to provide information about the shape of the
bow. ‘This specimen, which is 78 cm. in length, is flat on one side
and slightly convex on the other. The nock at the complete end has
square shoulders and is rounded at the tip. Down the convex side of
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 30
the specimen is a distinct groove which probably contained a sinew
backing. Although this bow is not a toy, informants insisted that
it was smaller than full size and probably would have been used by
a boy. It is broken just below the constricted grip area. Five
fragments, all approximately 14 cm. in length, are flat on both sides,
and two of these have grooves for sinew of the type just described.
The two other fragments have complete nock ends similar to the one
already described (pl. 3, e).
Three shaft fragments of bird spears have grooves around the distal
end into which barbed points would be set and lashed (pl. 3, m).
The longest of these fragments is 43.5 cm., but the other two are
much shorter. It should be pointed out that these implements could
be associated with fishing just as well as with bird hunting.
Four small notched or grooved pieces of wood are identified as
snare parts although they are not distinctive enough to make the
identification certain. Three specimens are grooved at one end,
presumably to hold a cord, while a fourth has a wedge-shaped notch
cut in a similar position. One of the grooved specimens shows traces
of red paint within the groove (pl. 3, a, f).
TooLs
The 19 splitting wedges vary in length from 2 to 19.5 cm. and
average 12cm. All are of the same type, being blunt at one end and
tapering to a wedge-shaped tip at the other (pl. 4, g). None, however,
shows signs of very prolonged use. A single specimen is charred on
one side and has been used as a fire drill board.
The collection contains four end-hafted beaver tooth drawknife
handles, an implement that was doubtless of considerable importance
in woodworking. All four have curved oblong grips, and the distal
ends are slotted deeply for hafting a tooth blade. Two specimens
also are provided with a lip to aid in lashing the tooth into the slot
(pl. 4, f). The illustrated example has the proximal end formed
into an animal’s head with the eyes and mouth represented by slits
cut into the wood.
There are three implements identified as engraving tool handles.
The best of these is slotted at one end to receive a small animal tooth
or iron blade and has a lip to aid in hafting. The main body of the
handle has a series of attractively arranged raised bands in the
characteristic fashion of Alaskan Eskimo engraving tool handles
(pl. 4, d). The other two specimens are more crudely made; both
have split ends and lashing grooves.
The two ulu handles are quite distinctive. One is curved to fit
the shape of the blade and‘has a'blade slit that runs the entire length
of the specimen (pl. 4, ¢). The other is rectangular in shape with a
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 199
straight blade slit. This handle also has an oblong hole in the center
to aid in gripping the tool (pl. 4,7). The blade slits of both specimens
are narrow and probably would have been fitted with metal blades.
Two scraper handles for end-hafted stone scrapers indicate the
manner in which previously described blades were hafted. One
handle, which is straight with a rounded proximal end, has a flat
lashing bed with a lip on the opposite side to aid in hafting (pl. 4, c).
The second handle is short and oval with a flat projection at one end
to which a very small blade would be lashed (pl. 4, 7).
One of the two cottonwood adz handles is approximately 71 cm. in
length and has a single large hole and lashing lip at the blade end
through which lashing was passed to attach the adz blade. The
other specimen, crudely made and approximately 43 cm. long, utilizes
the natural bend in a cottonwood branch. The outer surface of the
bent end is flattened for the attachment of a blade. Both of these
handles, because of their length, were probably for splitting adzes
that would have been hafted directly to the handles without the
use of a head of any kind.
Each of the four fire drill shafts is round in cross section; they
vary in length from 24 to 34 cm. and taper to a blunted point at the
distal end. All have been broken at the proximal end (pl. 4, a).
Another similarly shaped implement has a deep slot and lashing lip
at the distal end (pl. 4, h). This drill shaft would probably have held
a large stone or metal bit.
Another tentative identification is necessary with regard to three
so-called strap drill handles. Such handles would be attached to
loops of cord. Two handles would have a length of cord between
and a cord would be wrapped around a drill shaft. One handle is
cylindrical in shape with a groove around the middle for the cord
attachment. A second specimen is similar but more elaborately made
and has a wider groove with squared edges (pl. 3, 7), while a third
is rectangular with a rectangular hole in the center (pl. 3, 7“).
Three cottonwood mauls were recovered, two of considerable size.
All three have large, heavy heads tapering to thin circular handles,
and show signs of considerable use. Both of the very large specimens
exceed 55 cm. in length and would probably have been used for driving
large stakes. The illustrated specimen has a much shorter handle
than the others (pl. 4, 6). A fourth implement of spruce has been
identified as a maul largely on the basis of use. It is 32 cm. in length
and paddle shaped. One side of the broad, paddlelike surface is
deeply worn from pounding.
Six relatively light sharpened sticks are identified as stakes since
there seems to have been no other way in which they could have been
used. All are sharpened at one end, and the two complete specimens
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 35
show signs of having been pounded at the proximal end. All are of
a size that would be suitable for use with canvas tents.
HovuseHoLp EQUIPMENT
Four large, flat cutting boards were recovered, but none is complete.
All are comparatively thin pieces of wood, and one is approximately
60 cm. in length. Two specimens show signs of having been worked
to a definite shape, probably rectangular, while the others are irregu-
larly shaped pieces that simply were picked up to serve temporarily
as cutting boards.
A single handle, such as might have been used with a bucket, is
roughly semicircular in cross section and has end notches for hafting
(pk) 5; (hy):
There are five nearly complete ladles, all of which have straight
handles and broad bowls. The variation shown is in bowl shape.
Two specimens have relatively deep rounded bowls (pl. 5, f), while
three have oblong shallow bowls (pl. 5, d).. Traces of red painted dec-
oration are to be seen on two specimens. A sixth fragment has a
long thin handle, but the shape of the bowl cannot be determined.
This example was apparently much thinner and lighter than the
others.
A wooden poke stopper with a deep lashing groove (pl. 5, e) is de-
scribed here because it was probably a household item associated with
the storage of food or seal oil imported from the coast. However, it
might also have been used as a float plug since it is likely that floats
were used by fishermen to mark the locations of their nets.
Although three fragmentary vessel bottoms were recovered, only one
is relatively complete. This specimen, of which about half appears
to be present, was probably roughly square in shape with rounded
corners. The bottom has a flat section near the center and flares
upward slightly a few centimeters from the sides. The edges are
sharp, and the inside surface is flat except for an incised decoration
that appears to be a square with projections at the corners. ‘The
decorative lines are painted with red paint (pl. 5, c). The other two
fragments identified as vessel bottoms have flat bases and sloping
sides similar to the one previously described.
Vessel sides vary in height from 1.8 em., which is hardly more than
arim, to9.9cm. All five specimens are fragmentary, but with two it
is possible to determine the method of attachment to the vessel
bottom. Both have narrow grooves running along the lower edge to
receive V-shaped projections on the vessel bottom. Both also have
holes drilled through laterally at the level of the groove suggesting that
pegs helped to hold the bottom in place (pl. 5, a). These vessel sides
were made of a single large flat piece of spruce which was bent to fit
36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
the bottom and then fastened with root lashings as indicated in one
illustration (pl. 5, b). The method of fastening the two very narrow
specimens is not clear, but it is likely that they were grooved in a
similar way and are the sides of relatively shallow oblong bowls.
Of the seven fragmentary dishes, four are complete enough to give
a reasonable indication of the total size and shape. ‘Two are oblong to
round in shape and shallow with a relatively wide flat rm. The
larger is approximately 25 by 21 cm., and the smaller, though in-
complete, is almost as large. Two specimens are much longer than
they are wide, have sides that slope up slightly, but have no distinct
rim. Both of these are approximately 38 cm. in length and a little
more than half as wide. One has been used extensively as a cutting
board and is perhaps a meat dish. The other three fragments are
from the flat bottoms of dishes and have no sides or rim.
A shallow bowl of spruce wood is fragmentary and has a flat bottom,
steeply sloping sides and a flat rim. The bowl is deep and oblong in
shape (pl. 5, g).
An interesting and unusual item of household equipment is a care-
fully shaped bench plank support, three of which were found beneath the
bench planks in H-4. These objects look so much like stools that they
would have been described as such had not two of them been found
upright in place under the bench. All are made from spruce and
measure approximately 18 cm. across the top and 21 em. high. They
have flat tops which are wider than the bottoms. Two specimens
constrict around the middle and then flare out near the base. The
third slopes gently to a base which is 8 cm. narrower than the top.
Three lampstands were recovered from H—1 and H-4 (see figs. 1, 4).
H-4 contained a pair of these stands, one at each side of the dwelling
in front of the back bench. One was made from a spruce burl and
trunk, while the second was a small spruce trunk set upside down in
the ground with a large basal root cut flat on top as the stand. The
H-1 stand was made from a burl and trunk with the burl cut horizon-
tally at the midpoint. Each is approximately 60 cm. high and about
25 em. across the top. The burls are finished carefully to form a
slightly concave platform for the lamp, and taper down to the natural
shape of the log; the bases are about 12 cm. in diameter and were
driven into the ground.
TRANSPORTATION
Wooden artifacts functionally linked with travel are grouped into
the following categories: kayak parts and boating equipment; sled and
snowshoe parts. Kayak parts, although not numerous, are identified
as of the same type which was used throughout southwestern Alaska
in recent times and is still being used by some lower Kuskokwim River
and adjacent coastal Eskimos. This type of kayak, with an inverted
Geral oat CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 37
V-shaped deck, a large mooring hole at the bow, and a projecting stern
piece, is illustrated from Nunivak Island by Nelson (1899, pl. uxxrx,
2).
Kayak frame parts in the collection include a bow fragment which,
although broken, shows part of the characteristic mooring hole. There
is also a 35-cm. long section of the ring around the manhole. This
section is 4.5 cm. wide, is grooved in the center on the outside, and has
laterally drilled lashing holes to aid in fastening the skin cover tightly
around the manhole. Also included is a single side support for the
manhole ring (pl. 6, m). This specimen has a broadly concave base in
order to fit into the side stringer, while the top surface is flat. There
is a lashing hole on either side near the top for attachment to the ring,
and a section of root lashing may be seen in one of the holes. A curved
decorative line runs on the outer side near the top at the level of the
lashing holes. Just above the narrow bottom are two lashing holes,
with a lashing groove on the inner side for lashing to the stringer. A
single deck support piece is semilunar in shape and probably would
have fitted directly in front of or behind the manhole. No bottom
or deck stringers were identified, but two ribs were found. These are
approximately 15 cm. in length, wedge shaped at the top to fit into
the side stringer, and notched at the bottom to receive the bottom
stringer. Just above the notch in each specimen is a square lashing
hole (pl. 6, g).
Seven sections of single-bladed paddles were recovered. Three of
these are crutch handle pieces (pl. 6, c), and the other four are blade
sections. One of the blades has a rounded tip, well worn from scraping
(pl. 6, f), while three have a central ridge on both sides. The fourth
blade section is almost complete. The ridge on this specimen termi-
nates just at the point where the blade begins to broaden out; the blade
itself is flat.
A single fragmentary canoe or kayak sled crosspiece is semicircular
in cross section and has a lashing lip at the complete end to aid in
lashing the crosspiece directly to the stanchions. The specimen is
21 cm. in length.
Sled parts are represented by a single stanchion, three runner
sections and two shoes. The sled stanchion, or upright, is in very
poor condition. Such an upright would extend from the runner to
the crosspieces which hold the two runners together. On either side
of this type of sled and above the crosspieces is a longitudinal wooden
strip extending from the front to the back of the sled. Each cross-
piece is lashed to this longitudinal strip by a thong that passes through
the hole in the sled upright and over the strip. This hole and flat
upper surface can be seen in the illustrated specimen (pl. 6, 7). The
lower end of the upright is wedge shaped to fit a slot in the runner.
38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
Two of the sprucewood sled runner sections are short, averaging
approximately 30 cm. in length and 5 cm. in height. Each contains
a single stanchion slot, rectangular in shape, 4.5 by 1.8 cm. These
slots extend about 1.8 cm. into the runner. On one of these sections
a nail has been driven into the stanchion hole, presumably to help
hold the stanchion in place. The third runner section is 81 em. in
length and, since it is from the front section of a sled, shows a decided
upward curve at one end. At the base of the curve the runner
thickens and is 4.5 cm. in height. At the beginning of the thickened
section is a stanchion slot 5.0 by 1.5 em. and extending 1.2 cm. into
the runner. Just below the slot a small hole has been drilled laterally
through the runner, probably for lashing the end of the stanchion
into the runner.
Of the two sled shoe sections, one is 54 em. in length and 4.3 cm.
wide, flat on the inside and rounded on the outer surface. Two
holes, approximately 8 mm. in diameter, have been drilled for pegging
the shoe to the runner. The other section is similar except that it
is 146.5 cm. in length and must be nearly a complete shoe. It is
somewhat narrower (3.4 cm.) and much thicker (1.4 cm.) than the
previously described section. There are 10 irregularly spaced peg-
ging holes, approximately 8 mm. in diameter, drilled through the
shoe. Some of the holes are close together, and in six the remains of
wooden pegs can be seen.
The single cottonwood snowshoe frame section, although it does not
reveal anything definite about the snowshoe style, at least suggests a
type similar to that illustrated by Nelson (1899, fig. 64) from Cape
Darby. The recovered section seems to be a part of the frame near
the front of the shoe. There is a single slot, presumably to receive
a crosspiece, and two laterally drilled holes for the webbing (pl. 6, 0).
PERSONAL ADORNMENT
Three lateral Jabrets and a single medial labret are the only wooden
objects of personal adornment. Two of the former are slightly oval
in cross section and flare at the proximal end to form a retaining lip
(pl. 6, 2). A third specimen is similar but larger and unfinished.
All have slightly concave inner surfaces. The one artifact tenta-
tively identified as a medial labret appears to be unfinished. It is
broad and rounded with a distinctly concave inner surface and two
knoblike projections, one on each side, to form a retaining lip (pl.
6, d). However, the identification of this specimen is uncertain.
Tospacco CoMPLEX
Although there are no pipes represented in the collection, a number
of artifacts can be associated with a tobacco complex. Of particular
interest is an oval snuffboz, described here because it has a wooden
oreo CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 39
top and bottom. The sides of this well-made specimen are constructed
from a single piece of birchbark, the ends of which are notched and
interlocked. A number of incised lines on both sides serve as decora-
tion. The wooden top and bottom pieces are neatly fitted, and at
the center of the lid is a small hole through which a cord would have
been placed as a handle (pl. 7, g). This snuffbox resembles one from
St. Michael illustrated by Nelson (1899, pl. uxxxxv1, 4).
There are 13 artifacts identified as tops or bottoms for snuff, tobacco,
or fungus boxes. The latter would contain the fungus ashes that
were mixed frequently with tobacco to extend its use (Nelson, 1899,
p. 271). Eight specimens are round and range in size from 5.5 to
3 cm. in diameter. Three have lips on one surface and small holes
in the center (pl. 7, 7). These are almost certainly lids, while the
others probably are bottoms. All are slightly concave on one surface.
Oblong box lids or bottoms are represented by five specimens ranging
from 5.3 to 16.5 cm. in length. Three of these are similar to the
former figure, and one has a hole in the center (pl. 7, h). The two
large specimens may be bottoms for trinket boxes rather than parts
of smoking equipment.
GAMES AND Toys
Four tops, two of which are complete, are slightly ovate in cross
section and thicken toward the center where there is a laterally drilled
hole. A portion of a wooden spinning peg is still in the hole of one
specimen (pl. 8, e). A game played with tops by Eskimo children
along the lower Yukon River is described by Nelson (1899, p. 333).
Two small, triangularly shaped flat-bottomed objects are identified
as checkers (pl. 7, e) since they closely resemble the wooden checkers
sometimes used today by Eskimos of the Bering Sea coast.
A surprisingly numerous group of 26 specimens are identified as
flip darts. 'To play the game in which these pieces were used, a hole
would be made in the floor of the kashgee and the players would
attempt to flip “darts”? into the hole (see Nelson, 1899, p. 332).
Each specimen is roughly the shape of an elongated diamond. From a
sharp tip, the object swells at a point approximately one-third of the
distance from the distal end and from there tapers gently until it is
flat and wedge shaped at the proximal end. There is considerable
variation in this general form. Some of the gaming pieces are thick
and relatively heavy, while others are almost flat. Some are short
and stubby at the proximal end, while others are thin and elongated.
Two specimens are illustrated to show the range of variation (pl. 7,
a, b).
Darts to be thrown at a target are represented by four specimens,
all of which thicken in the center and then taper back to a point at
the proximal end. In the distal end of one specimen is inserted a
222-189 674
40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
nail (pl. 7, n), and it is likely that the others were similarly tipped.
Another specimen has two parallel lines circling it in the center as
decoration. A dart game, as it was played at St. Michael in the late
19th century, is described by Nelson (1899, p. 333).
Two of the four storyknives are similar to those illustrated by
Nelson (1899, pl. xcrv) and Oswalt (1952, pl. 6, 74) in having plain
straight handles which broaden out to form a semilunar blade (pl. 7, 2).
The other two, however, are quite different. While retaining the
broad semilunar blade, the handles are curved and have two centrally
placed projections. In the larger of the two (pl. 7,7) these projections
could serve as a sort of grip, but this would not be possible in the case
of the smaller lighter implement (pl. 7, ). Another characteristic of
these specimens is that they resemble a short-legged animal with a
long bushy tail. Storyknives are used by girls in the Kuskokwim
River region to draw pictures in mud or snow to illustrate stories
(Oswalt, 1952, p. 70; 1964).
The four toy bow fragments vary considerably in length. One
fragment includes only a small section below the nock, while three
others are considerably larger. One of these is 42 cm. in length and is
virtually complete. All have nocks similar to the illustrated specimen
@l7, 10).
A toy salmon dart head, the only example of such an implement in
the entire collection, has two barbs on one side, a blade set in a blade
slit at right angles to the barbs, and a broken base tapering to what
was probably a conical tang (pl. 8, &). Both the single toy dish
(pl. 7, ¢) and a toy bucket bottom are faithful reproductions of the full-
sized object. A toy boat is so crude that the identification must be
considered doubtful.
A group of four fragmentary, but roughly similar, implements have
been identified as toy leister prongs. They are barbed on one side
only and vary greatly in size. At one extreme is a very long specimen
with three widely spaced barbs (pl. 3, n), while at the other extreme
is a small specimen, also with three barbs (pl. 3, d). A single frag-
mentary toy center prong for a fish spear has two small barbs on one
side and a shoulderless wedge-shaped tang (pl. 3, 2). An unusual
single-barbed fragment has a wide deep blade slot and may be the
distal end of a toy lance (pl. 3, g).
The grip section of what appears to be a toy pistol is one of the
more intriguing specimens in this category. The pistol seems to
have been constructed to shoot something, and yet the method of
its operation could not be established. Near the upper part of the
grip is a square hole for a trigger, and immediately in front of this is
a rectangular opening 4.5 cm. in length (pl. 7, d).
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 41
Almost as intriguing are four limb sections of what appears to have
been a large segmented doll. Parts of both arms and legs are present,
and they are flattened at the proximal ends for attachment to a torso.
The one complete leg section is illustrated (pl.7,m). The largest arm
section, with the hand missing, is 36.5 cm. in length.
Seven animal carvings are all different and will have to be described
individually. It should be pointed out that it is by no means certain
that these carvings are toys. At least some of them may have been
associated with ceremonies. The best examples are two sculptured
carvings of a pregnant bear and a mink (pl. 8, d, f).. The latter is in
a poorer state of preservation. A caribou carving has no legs and
exists in crude outline form only (pl. 8, A). Of the three flat outline
carvings, two are grotesque, perhaps mythological creatures. One
resembles a “‘serpent’” (pl. 8, 7), while the other, broken in the field
but actually symmetrical, is an ermine with its back arched (pl. 8, g).
The third flat carving obviously represents a bird, perhaps a loon,
swimming (pl. 7, /). The final carving is a rough, unfinished caribou
head.
CEREMONIAL OBJECTS
The most abundant form of wooden ceremonial objects is the
memorial mage, of which there are eight examples. Five are carvings
of caribou which, though different in size, are constructed similarly.
The two largest specimens average 39 cm. in length and are approxi-
mately 12 cm. in height. The animal is represented in outline form,
with the tail and eyes indicated but without antlers or legs. In
the center of the underside of the animal is a rectangular slot to receive
the stick on top of which the figure would rest. Two other animal
carvings are somewhat smaller, averaging 28 cm. in length, but other-
wise do not differ from those previously described except in having
elongated necks and more clearly defined mouths (pl. 9, a). The
fifth and smallest carving is the most carefully made. In addition to
having an overall shape that is more cariboulike, this figure has inset
eyes and also has been provided with drilled holes to receive antlers
and four legs; parts of the wooden legs are still in place (pl. 8, a).
Also considered as memorial images are one fragmentary and one
complete human figure. The complete specimen, roughly made with
the features barely indicated, has a small sliver of wood protruding
from one side of the chest (pl. 9, 6). The fragmentary carving is
similar, but the head and stakelike base are missing A questionable
object in this category is what appears to be an animal head of some
kind that terminates in a square peg for insertion into some larger
object (pl. 8, 6). It is too large for a mask appendage and too poorly
preserved for exact identification.
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
Memorial images similar to those described above are illustrated
from Cape Vancouver (Nelson, 1899, fig. 104). Nelson was told
that they represented people who had been lost and whose bodies
never had been recovered. He was informed further “that the grave-
yards of the villages on the Kuskokwim, below Kolmakof Redoubt,
are full of remarkable images of carved wood” (Nelson, 1899, p. 319).
It is likely that the images described above were placed over graves
and represented events in the life of the deceased or some aspect
of his character and abilities. The wooden peg protruding from the
chest of one carving may indicate the manner of death.
The three complete masks that were recovered are illustrated
(pls. 15, 16), and no attempt will be made to describe them except
to say that one (pl. 16, 6), having no eyeholes, is either unfinished or
was not intended to be worn. If the latter is true, this mask may have
been fastened to a memorial board similar to the one from Big Lake
(Nelson, 1899, fig. 105). There are four mask fragments, each of which
is different. Two are too small to provide much information about
the complete mask; the other two, however, will be described in some
detail. The first is half of a mask that appears to have had a large
aperture in the center since broken surfaces are to be seen only at the
upper and lower ends. Two tufts of human hair, held in place with
wooden pegs, are to be seen projecting from the outer edge of the
specimen (pl. 9, d). The second mask segment may be considerably
less fragmentary than it appears at first glance. It is a nose section,
and although the specimen is in very poor condition, it is possible
to see small depressions on either side of the nose which facilitated
vision. Directly beneath the nose is a hole drilled at right angles to
it; a cord might have passed through this hole and encircled the head.
If this interpretation is correct, then the mask is virtually complete
and was intended to be nothing more than a false nose (pl. 9, ¢).
The mask appendages are nearly all similar to those illustrated by
Nelson. These include a boat model and two wands (pl. 8, 72,2). Not
illustrated by Nelson are two stylized animal or bird heads (pl. 8, 0)
that seem likely to have been associated with masks. More doubtful
is a thin strip of wood, round in cross section, approximately 85 cm.
in length and curved into a circle, which is tentatively identified as
an encircling ring for a mask such as is illustrated by Nelson (1899,
pl. cmt, 5).
It is likely that the two jish carvings were used in ceremonies. One
is a simple outline of a fish, while the second has the gills indicated
and also has a suspension groove running entirely around it near the
center. Remains of a root suspension cord can be seen in parts of
the groove (pl. 8,7). These carvings are approximately the same size,
and it may be that the plain one is unfinished.
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 43
The one drum handle is round in cross section toward the proximal
end but flattens to a point inside the drum. ‘There is a deep notch
cut in one side for rim attachment (pl. 8, m).
A wooden carving of a flower is described here with the thought that
it may have been used in connection with a ceremony, perhaps even
in a service of the Russian Orthodox Church (pl. 8, ¢).
MIscELLANEOUS AND UNIDENTIFIED
The use of wooden pegs for such diverse purposes as fastening
human hair to the side of a mask and shoes to the bottom of a sled
runner has been mentioned previously. Three unassociated pegs
were recovered, two of which are approximately 3 cm. in length, 8 mm.
in diameter, and tapered to a point at one end. The illustrated
specimen is flat at both ends and 7 mm. in diameter (pl. 6, A). In
addition, there are two unidentified fragments with pegs still in place.
One of these is rectangular in shape and cut straight at one end
suggesting part of a small box, the sides of which were pegged together.
As might be expected in a site where the wood preservation is as
good as it is at Crow Village, there are large numbers of unidentifiable
worked fragments. These objects, of which there are a total of 118,
appear to have been broken either in the process of manufacture or in
use. In many cases the objects could doubtless be identified were
they not so fragmentary, but others probably would defy identification
even if complete. In addition, there are 10 complete artifacts, the
use of which is equally puzzling. No attempt will be made to describe
all of them, but four are illustrated and deserve some special comment
and speculation. Two objects that are spatulate shaped at one end
may possibly be bark peelers (pl. 6, a). One of them is 80 cm. in
length, which seems rather large for such an implement, and neither is
curved sufficiently at the distal end. However, birchbark was of
considerable importance to the people of Crow Village, and there are
no other tools of any material that can be identified as bark peelers.
A triangularly shaped object, pointed at one end, concave at the other,
and semicircular in cross section, suggests to us a stylized bird in
flight (pl. 6, &). It may be a mask appendage. A small stick, care-
fully worked and bluntly pointed at both ends, is charred at one end
and has a crudely carved human face on one surface (pl. 6, e). A
carefully worked object is an almost perfect egg shape and may have
been a toy (pl. 6, 7).
BonE AND ANTLER
The number of recovered bone and antler artifacts is surprisingly
small, and this fact, together with the relatively small number of
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
unworked bones recovered, suggests that big game hunting was not
an important subsistence activity.
Four net sinkers are made of antler and have a hole drilled laterally
through each end. They are roughly similar in shape to previously
described wooden net floats. A single bone sinker is oblong and
notched at either end for attachment (pl. 10, a).
An interesting whalebone artifact, one of the few artifacts definitely
associated with firearms, is a section of a ramrod (pl. 10, g). Presum-
ably the rod would have been at least half again as long as it is now.
At the distal end are four parallel raised ridges which encircle the
specimen. Such an implement, which was made in imitation of a
metal rod of European or American manufacture, could also be used
for cleaning the weapon.
An open-socketed, antler, bladelike implement is identified as an
arrowhead, although it could equally well be a knife blade. A long
thin tang is flattened on one side to form a deep socket to receive the
shaft (pl. 10, e). Above the tang the blade flattens out but is ridged
on both sides.
The importance of woodworking is again emphasized by the occur-
rence of 11 antler wedges. They vary in length from 6.5 to 14 cm. and
resemble previously described wooden specimens.
Awls are divided into two types. The first type is represented by
two specimens made from split pieces of bone and worked to a fine
point at one end (pl. 10,4). Type 2 awls, of which there are also two,
are made from sections of antler tine, blunt at one end and sharpened
to a point at the other end (pl.10,/). A fifth specimen, tentatively
identified as an awl, is made of bone. It is pointed at one end and
spatulate shaped at the other (pl.10, 7). Such an artifact con-
ceivably could have been used as a bark peeler.
A single antler ulu handle is roughly rectangular in shape but slightly
concave along the side that is gouged out to receive the blade. ‘This
is one of the few decorated specimens in the collection. On each
side a set of lines parallel the base of the implement, with a series of
evenly spaced drilled dots between them. At both ends, as well as
in the center, are parallel lines extending vertically around the handle
to the horizontal lines on the opposite side (pl. 10, £).
An antler side bladed knife handle, the familiar Eskimo “crooked
knife,” has a slightly curved blade slit and lashing lip at one end, and
a deep groove with rivet holes at the other. This slot may have
been for a blade or chisel, but is more likely for an extension of the
handle (pl. 10, f).
A large roughly worked basal section of an antler tine has a hole
gouged out of one end and is flattened on one side. It is possible
that this implement is an unfinished close-socketed adz head.
O lt d
Ree Bieet CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 45
There are 12 sections of whalebone sled shoes ranging in length
from 4.5 to 36.5 em. Several have sawed surfaces, and all have
holes for attachment to the runner. ‘They resemble the previously
described wooden sled shoes. On one shoe section a partly drilled
peg hole indicates that a metal woodworking bit, probably fitted to
a brace, was used for the drilling.
A single antler kayak shoe fragment was recovered. Such shoes
were attached to the stem and stern of a kayak so that the cover
would not tear as the vessel was drawn up on the beach (pl. 10, g).
A bear tooth has a drilled hole at the proximal end, indicating its
use as a pendant or as part of a necklace (pl. 10, m).
Four worked antler fragments show signs of having been cut with a
metal saw.
CLAY
A small number of pottery fragments, both from lamps and cooking
pots, constitute the entire assemblage of clay artifacts from the site.
The cooking pots will be described first, and in this connection it
should be mentioned that in the case of smaller sherds, there was
some difficulty in separating lamp and pot fragments.
Among the 61 potsherds recovered are 8 rim sherds, 7 of which show
surface treatment of the Yukon Line-Dot type (Oswalt, 1955, p. 37).
Five have two encircling horizontal lines just below the rim with
one row of dots immediately below the lines (pl. 10, d). A single
sherd has a row of dots alone. Four of these sherds have a series of
horizontal ridges on the inner surface, a form of surface treatment
that also is characteristic of four body sherds (pl. 10, c). One rim
fragment has a single interior ridge running horizontal to and just
below the rim. These Yukon Line-Dot decorated sherds all have
slightly flaring rims, but lip treatment varies to some extent. In
cross section the lip sherds are flat (one), flat and outward sloping
(one), flat with an incised groove around the top (three), and grooved
and outward sloping (two). The eighth rim fragment is from a plain
vessel with an inverted rim and flat inward sloping lip. An unusual
feature of one of the Yukon Line-Dot treated rim sherds is crudely
incised crossed lines just below the row of dots (pl. 10, 6). In addition
to these rim sherds showing surface treatment, two sizable body sherds
show a pair of horizontal lines which apparently encircled the vessels
well below the rim. This also is a feature of the Yukon Line-Dot
type (Oswalt, 1955, p. 37).
On the basis of the potsherds recovered, nothing definite can be
said about the shape of the cooking vessels. However, the Yukon
Line-Dot form of surface treatment is generally associated with the
situla shape (Oswalt, 1955, p. 37), and the occurrence of two small
46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
flat-bottomed sherds tends to confirm this as far as the Crow Village
pottery is concerned.
All sherds were examined to determine the type of temper used in
their manufacture. The temper proved to be predominantly inorganic,
with only two sherds containing a combination of organic and inor-
ganic tempering. The inorganic temper consists of sand, gravel, or
small pebbles with the coarser material being the most common;
grass is the only organic tempering material. The texture of the
pottery is not particularly fine, but the tempering material seems to
be distributed fairly evenly throughout the ware. Inorganic tempering
protrudes through the surface in the majority of sherds.
To determine the thickness of the ware, all of the unexfoliated
sherds were measured. The thickest was 12 mm., the thinnest 4 mm.,
and the average about 7mm. Nearly all the potsherds from cooking
vessels are gray-black or black in color, but the range is black to buff
with a few sherds of an extremely light brown.
The 15 lamp sherds are fragments of shallow, saucer-shaped con-
tainers and all are tempered with either gravel or pebbles. Ten
sherds show a series of grooves running around the bowl (pl. 10, 7).
The most grooves visible on any one sherd is seven, and on one of these
sherds the grooves appear to reach almost to the center of the lamp.
Seven sherds of this type include a section of the rim, and on all but
one specimen there is some kind of decorative treatment of the rim.
One sherd has three encircling lines outside the rim, two have two
such lines, and two have a single line. A single sherd has a deep,
encircling groove rather than a simple incised line. It is possible that
lamps with this style of surface treatment would have a cross at the
center of the bowl (Oswalt, 1953, p. 18, pl. 7, 6, 8, 9) or they may
have had undecorated centers (Oswalt, 1953, pl. 1, 7). A single
fragment which represents almost half of a medium sized vessel has
a deep bowl and five encircling lines near the rim. The center of this
lamp was apparently undecorated (pl. 10, n). It may be that some of
the lined sherds previously described come from a lamp of this type.
Two sherds, including one rim fragment, are from undecorated lamps.
The rim fragment is apparently from a very small vessel, and the
rim itself turns up only slightly, while the lip is flat.
The Jargest lamp sherd in the collection has a large shallow bowl
and a sharply turned up rim. The lip is flat with an incised groove
running around the top. On the inside of the bowl is a pair of en-
circling lines well below the rim, followed by a set of three similar
lines near the center of the vessel (pl. 10, 0). The final lamp fragment
represents almost half of a very small vessel, perhaps a hunter’s lamp
or a toy. There are four encircling lines running around the lamp
below the rim and a triple-lined central cross (pl. 10, p).
O lt d
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 47
GRASS
Artifacts of grass are not numerous in the collection, but they do
reveal some uses of this material. At several places in the excavated
portion of the midden, bunches of grass were found. These may
represent grass collected for plaiting into rope or for other uses. It is
worth noting that grass was woven into socks and used for insoles in
the Yukon-Kuskokwim region (Nelson, 1899, p. 43).
A large number of platted grass rope fragments were recovered, of
which the illustrated specimen is typical (pl. 11, f). A two-strand
twisted section of grass netting consists of meshes about 5 cm. square
(pl. 11, 7). A number of small sections of woven grass were recovered
from H-3 and H-4 (pl. 11, g). These might be part of grass bags or
grass matting, both of which were used extensively in the Yukon-
Kuskokwim region (Nelson, 1899, pp. 202-205).
Bark AND Root
Among the most significant facts impressed upon the excavators as
they worked in the site was the importance of birchbark to the former
occupants. Hardly a shovelful of dirt could be moved without en-
countering strips of bark, and on more than one occasion the presence
of large numbers of cut bark sections hindered excavation to a marked
degree. The importance of this material in house construction has
already been mentioned, and it now remains to describe birchbark
artifacts.
It is doubtless true that much of the birchbark collected was made
into baskets. Nine complete or nearly complete baskets were recovered
along with fragments of many more. A few bark baskets were
remarkably well preserved, but the majority crumbled into fragments
as soon as they dried. ‘Thus the number of baskets might have been
much larger, and the general tendency for all birchbark fragments to
crumble makes it difficult to arrive at an accurate count of the number
of recovered specimens. The complete baskets are all of the same
type. That is, they are all made from a single piece of bark folded at
two ends to form a basket and then stitched, usually with spruce root.
Even the complete baskets are badly twisted and crushed, and there-
fore it is difficult to obtain accurate measurements. Perhaps it is
sufficient to say that there is a great variation in size. The recovered
fragment appears to represent about half a basket which must have,
when complete, measured at least 18 em. long and 30 cm. wide. At
the other extreme, a complete specimen appears to have been about
7 cm. square.
Of the 18 fragments of worked birchbark, at least 7 are definitely
parts of baskets. The method of sewing is more clearly seen on the
48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
fragments than in the complete baskets. As mentioned previously, it
would seem that most baskets were sewn with spruce root as shown
in the illustrated specimen (pl. 11, b). For this type of sewing, widely
spaced and fairly sizable holes are required. However, at least three
fragments have very closely spaced and small sewing holes suggesting
that a finer material, perhaps finely braided grass, was used (pl. 11, ¢).
Many of the unidentified sewn birchbark fragments probably are
parts of baskets, but this cannot be determined with any degree of
certainty. All of these fragments have widely spaced holes for spruce
root stitching, and a number of them have fragments of root still in
place (pl. 11,e). Onsix fragments, but on none of the complete baskets,
are markings in red paint. In every case this consists of a band of
red next to the row of stitching holes (pl. 11, a). It should also be
noted that birchbark was used in the manufacture of a snuffbox
described previously.
Before leaving the subject of birchbark baskets, it might be well
to mention that they were used for cooking and were undoubtedly
the most important cooking vessels even though metal cooking ware
was known to the Eskimos and occurs in the collection. In all the
houses there were fire cracked beach pebbles of the kind that would
have been used for stone boiling, and in H-3 a cluster of these stones
was found near the fireplace.
The only other bark artifacts in the collections are net floats made
of cottonwood bark. The 11 complete specimens range in length from
12 to 26 cm., although nearly all are closest to the former figure.
In construction they resemble the previously described wooden net
floats. In addition to the complete floats, there are 19 fragments
and 5 sections of bark that are probably net float blanks.
The importance of spruce root for stitching baskets, lashing kayak
frames, and other uses, already has been stressed. In the collection
are several additional examples of the use of spruce root that should be
mentioned. There are three fragments which show two pieces of
wood bound together with root lashing (pl. 11, d), and the handle
fragment of an unidentified wooden object is wrapped with spruce
root, presumably to provide a better grip (pl. 11,7). From H-3 was
recovered a bundle of root in prepared form that would be constantly
on hand for use in a variety of household tasks (pl. 11, A).
METAL
The artifacts described thus far in this chapter are of indigenous
manufacture. That is, presumably they were made by Eskimos at
the site. Identifying such artifacts has given little difficulty since
the materials are associated with traditional Eskimo material culture.
However, when it comes to a description of metal artifacts, the problem
Oswalt d
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 49
of identifying indigenous objects is not so simple. Some items made
of metal are readily recognized as complete artifacts brought to the
site and used intact by the Eskimos. Others are just as readily
identifiable as attempts by the Eskimos to work in a new medium and
adapt old forms to a new material. But in between these two extremes
are a number of artifacts that could belong to either category. Some
are crudely made and suggest local manufacture, while others are
so poorly preserved that it is difficult to establish their provenience
one way or the other. Therefore, the listing of some artifacts as of
local manufacture should be considered as tentative.
By far the largest number of indigenously manufactured metal arti-
facts are made from tinned steel plate of the type normally used in the
manufacture of tin cans. Used cans definitely provided the greatest
amount of raw material for secondary reworking into artifacts. Al-
though cast iron and other heavy metals apparently were available in
small quantities, the Eskimos relied on can metal even when it was not
particularly satisfactory for the purpose intended. ‘Thus many of the
metal artifacts seem nonfunctional, and one can imagine the disgust
with which, for example, an Eskimo woman first used an ulu with a
blade made of flimsy can metal. However, can and other metal could
be cut and reworked more easily and rapidly than stone or other indig-
enous materials. It is not surprising that it was eventually favored
for a variety of tools and household objects.
A single salmon dart head has been fashioned from a piece of iron,
possibly a stove or cast iron kettle fragment. It has a pair of opposite
barbs, a narrowed area near the base for attachment of the line, and a
single spur (pl. 12, a).
Six lead musket balls of the type that would have been made in the
stone bullet mold previously described were found in H-3. The balls
have a burr running medially around them indicating the division of
the two halves of the mold. ‘These balls would have been used in a
muzzle loading weapon with a barrel diameter of approximately 1.5
cm.
A light piece of metal, probably a can fragment, has been folded
double for added strength and then turned up at one end to form
a hook. Such an implement might have been used as a pothook
Galvi2)d):
End bladed knife blades of metal are much less common than might
be expected, but there is a single crude blade that might have served
such a purpose. It is heavily corroded, and thus its identification as
an indigenously manufactured item is questionable. There is a short
tang for insertion into the handle (pl. 12, e).
Two saw blade fragments appear to be narrow strips from can metal
that has been notched by hand (pl. 12, 4). Such a saw blade pre-
50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
sumably would have been hafted into a wooden handle and could have
been used for only very light work.
A badly corroded implement with a long, slender tip and a broad,
flattened and notched base may have been hafted as an awl (pl. 12, f).
There are five ulu blades, all of which have been cut from the sides
of cans. They vary in length from 10 cm. to 16.5 cm., and all are flat
across the top and have a semilunar cutting edge (pl. 12, ).
Two skin scraper blades have been cut from the sides of cans and
have slightly convex working edges. One specimen is of particular in-
terest because it has been strengthened by having the edges folded on
two sides (pl. 12, 6). The second is shorter, 6.8 cm. in length, and
tapers toward the proximal end.
Among the most interesting of the indigenously constructed metal
artifacts are crude dishes or small containers, of which there are nine
complete or nearly complete examples. ‘They all are made from pieces
of can siding that has been folded at the corners to form a container
(pl. 12, ¢). All are extremely shallow, and most are roughly rectan-
gular in shape, varying from 5.2 to 20.0 cm. in length. It is likely that
the larger specimens were used in connection with food and eating.
The smallest example, however, is folded at one end only and may have
been a scoop or had some similar use (pl. 12, 7).
A number of cut can fragments were most certainly used as re-
inforcement pieces since they have nail holes all around their sides
(pl. 12,7). Four fragments are identified as having been used in this
manner, and it is possible that other fragments of metal were intended
for a similar use. Such reinforcement pieces might be used to
strengthen the cracked shaft of a lance or to repair wooden artifacts in
a variety of ways. Another type of reinforcement piece, the use of
which is more difficult to determine, is a strip of metal approximately
5 cm. in width and 32 cm. long bent in a compressed S-shaped form
at either end. These strips, of which four were found in H-4, are
rounded as though to fit around a log used in house construction.
In fact, these strips were found in association with the bench logs of
H-—4 but in such a way that it was not possible to determine their
exact function. Nevertheless, it seems likely that they were used
either to reinforce house construction logs or to aid in fastening bench
planks to floor logs.
Of particular interest are the 26 cut can fragments which form the
raw material out of which metal artifacts probably would have been
manufactured. These show cutting in a variety of lengths and shapes,
but one specimen is more revealing than the others. This is a roll of
can metal and consists of three cans 8.4 cm. in height rolled together.
The bottoms and tops of these cans have been cut out and the sides
rolled up and stored for later use in the manufacture of artifacts.
wae aa CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 51
In addition to the cut can fragments, two sections of bucket handles
have been cut for future use, and a single piece of cut sheet copper
was found.
A small copper ferrule apparently was made to fit over the end of
of a small shaft or stick. It is decorated with a series of engraved
parallel lines horizontally encircling the specimen and another series
of short parallel lines engraved at right angles to them (pl. 12, k).
Four .22-caliber rifle cartridges have been drilled at the proximal
end for stringing as beads to form a bracelet or necklace. Fragments
of the twisted grass on which these cartridges were strung still are
visible in the drilled holes. All of the cartridges were found in the
same house and presumably were strung together. Another cartridge
of undetermined caliber is similarly drilled, has grass stringing ma-
terial knotted on the inside, and two beads still attached to the outside.
Guass
Four pieces of heavy bottle glass have been extensively retouched
for use as scrapers. Three are made from fragments of light-green
glass ranging from 4 to 6 mm. in thickness, while a fourth is a fragment
of dark-brown glass of similar thickness (pl. 12, g). In addition, two
small scrapers are retouched fragments of window glass.
Non-Esximo Pottery
A single sherd of ironstone china with a purple transfer-printed
floral design on one surface has been worked into a round shape for
use as a labret (pl. 12, m). It has been grooved in such a way that
each surface forms a lip to hold the labret in place.
LEATHER
All three fragments of leather in the collection have been derived
from commercially prepared cowhide. The largest is 15 cm. in
length, while the other two are about half that size. They are de-
scribed here because all three have been prepared as patches or re-
inforcing sections. ‘They are carefully cut, and rows of stitching
holes surround the outer edges (pl. 12, J).
IMPORTED MANUFACTURED GOODS
Artifacts described under this heading are what normally are referred
to as trade goods. That is, they were made elsewhere by non-Eskimos
and traded to the residents of Crow Village, probably in exchange for
furs or labor.
ap BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
Non-Esximo Porrery
The excavations at Crow Village resulted in the recovery of 324
sherds of non-Eskimo pottery including 2 partially restorable vessels,
acup and asaucer. All the collected sherds are fragments of ironstone
china, a stoneware varient that was extremely popular during the 19th
century. In spite of the uniformity of the ware, there is considerable
variation in the structure of the sherds themselves. In addition to
variable thickness, it has been noted that some sherds are from vessels
that were better fired than others, that some have a smoother glaze,
and that exposure to the elements has resulted in differential surface
deterioration.
Stone china, a type of stoneware, was first introduced by Spode
and became popular because it was cheaper and more durable than
porcelain. Its introduction was followed in 1813 by the ‘Patent
Ironstone China” developed and patented by C. J. Mason and Com-
pany of Lane Delph, England, in that year. When Mason’s patent
expired, a number of other English potters began to make the ware
(Blacker, n.d., p. 41; Fontana and Greenleaf, 1962, p. 92; Ormsbee,
1959, p. 3; Savage, 1959, p. 206). The body of ironstone is a mixture
consisting of China clay, china stone, flint, and bone ash, glazed with
borax flint and spar. The ware is fired to the point of vitrification and
is extremely hard (Bemrose, 1952, p. 16; Savage, 1959, p. 19). Blacker
(n.d., pp. 194-197) and others have noted that the utilitarian durability
of ironstone ware and its relative inexpensiveness made it ideal for
export in huge quantities. The same author estimates that at the time
of writing (in the 1920’s) fully one-third of the ironstone ware made in
England was exported. This included not only tableware but also
insulators and toilet fixtures. American potters apparently began to
make ironstone ware in the 1870’s (Barber, 1893, p. 200; Fontana and
Greenleaf, 1962, p. 93).
The remarkable qualities of ironstone resulted in its being used
extensively by the United States Army which carried it throughout the
American west as the various military posts were established (Fontana
and Greenleaf, 1962, p. 92). Simce these same qualities would recom-
mend the ware to distributors and traders providing goods of Euro-
pean and American manufacture to trading posts in Alaska, it is not
surprising to find ironstone china in the Crow Village site.
The collection of non-Eskimo pottery can be classified most satis-
factorily according to the three types of surface treatment: undeco-
rated white ware, transfer-printed ware, and hand-decorated ware.
The most common ware represented is undecorated and white. There
are 164 sherds of this utilitarian pottery in the collection along with 1
nearly complete cup. Only rim and base sherds were saved; 98 body
O lt d
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 53
sherds were counted, noted as to house location, and then discarded.
This ware is remarkably uniform although there is some variation in
thickness, firing, and smoothness of the glaze. A single sherd has a
drilled hole near one edge, indicating an attempt to repair a broken
vessel by a method commonly used with traditional Eskimo pottery.
Transfer-printed ware is represented by 53 sherds and 1 nearly
complete saucer. Transfer printing is an English development which
spread during the 19th century. The method, said to have been
invented by the Irish engraver, John Brooks, about 1753, is relatively
simple. An engraved copper plate is inked with ceramic colors, a
print is taken from it while the ink is still wet, and the paper pressed
onto the ware. The piece of pottery is then immersed in water to
float off the paper and fired to fix the color (Savage, 1959, pp. 29-30).
The most common transfer print is the willow pattern, 15 sherds of
which occur in the Crow Village collection (pl. 13, a). This design
was first engraved by Thomas Minton for Thomas Turner of Caughley
about 1780. This representation of a Chinese scene is a European
invention derived from a number of Chinese sources (Savage, 1959,
p. 31).
The transfer-printed ware from Crow Village tends to be somewhat
thinner than the undecorated ware and has a smoother glaze. In
addition to the willow pattern, other designs, mostly floral, are
represented in brown, green, purple, black, and pink colors. Some of
these floral representations are combined with geometric designs, and
many have a distinctive oriental appearance.
The hand painted ware, of which there are 98 sherds, is
approximately the same thickness as the plain ware and definitely
thicker than the transfer-printed sherds. All designs appear to be
floral and are crudely applied (pl. 13, 6). Various shades of blue,
green, red, and purple predominate. Painted lines around the inner
and outer surfaces of the vessels, usually near the rim or base, are
common.
In addition to the wares described above, there are three fragments
of heavy ironstone with a thick brown glaze that are probably frag-
ments of a teapot. Also there are three fragments of kitchen bowls
decorated with thick light-blue lines.
As far as identifiable forms are concerned in plain ware, large
heavy cups with slightly flaring sides constricting to a narrower flat
bottom and with or without handles are common. Fragments of all
types of ware appear to be from cups or saucers with the exception of
two bowl sherds. There are no identifiable plate fragments. A
number of flat bottom sherds suggest large heavy mugs with straight
sides and indented bottoms. Some of these may have had faceted
sides. Saucer fragments tend to be from deep vessels with smooth
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
or scalloped rims. Generally speaking, all the ware, with the possible
exception of a few transfer-printed saucer fragments, gives the
impression of being heavy, crudely decorated, and highly utilitarian.
Unfortunately, the non-Eskimo pottery from Crow Village is not
useful for dating within narrow limits. Ironstone ware is, of course,
still being made, and design elements were so widely borrowed, both
in the United States and England, that this element has no chrono-
logical significance. For example, willow pattern ware has been made
in Staffordshire potteries since the late 18th century and is still being
made. Also, several American potteries have been engaged in its
manufacture for the past 60 years or more. Specimens of this ware
from the Taral site on the Copper River were examined by C. Malcolm
Watkins of the U.S. National Museum who felt that they had definite
late 19th- or early 20th-century characteristics such as shade of color,
sharply cut design, rounded saucer foot rims, and extreme hard
whiteness (VanStone, 1955, p. 123). All of these characteristics are
also present in the Crow Village willow pattern specimens.
Hand-painted ware similar to the Crow Village sherds also is still
being made, and Watkins has noted, again with reference to similar
material from the Taral site, that the more recent the ware, the more
crude the application of color and design (VanStone, 1955, p. 123).
The hand-painted ware from Crow Village is crude enough and
certainly can date no earlier than the latter part of the 19th century.
Two bottom sherds have clearly visible hallmarks on them, but it
has been possible definitely to identify only one of them. This mark
consists of a circle within which is an American eagle with wings
spread. Around the circle on the outside are the words ‘Semi-
vitreous porcelain” and below this the notation “K.T. & K. Co.”
This is one of many hallmarks used by the firm of Knowles, Taylor &
Knowles of East Liverpool, Ohio. The founder of this company,
Isaac W. Knowles, was a salesman for James Bennett, the original
East Liverpool potter, and set up his own pottery m 1845. After
reorganization, the firm was known in 1870 as ‘Knowles, Taylor &
Knowles,” and began manufacturing ironstone china in 1873 (Cox,
1946, vol. 2, p. 1007; Thorn, 1947, p. 133). The second mark is
fragmentary, and this has prevented a precise identification. Part
of a lion and unicorn coat of arms is visible with the words “‘ronstone
china” above. Comparison of this fragmentary mark with a variety
of marks in Thorn, particular attention being paid to the positioning
of the letters, seems to suggest that this may be one of the many
marks used by the Steubenville Pottery Company of Steubenville,
Ohio, a firm that was founded in 1879 (Thorn, 1947, p. 149). Whether
or not this is a correct identification, the mark definitely resembles
those of a number of large 19th-century Ohio potteries.
Oswalt and i
Yan Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 55
On the basis of hallmark identifications, then, it would seem that
the ironstone ware from the site is mostly, if not entirely, of American
manufacture. In 1891 the United States began to require that all
imports, including pottery, be labeled with the name of the country
of origin. Therefore, after 1891 all English pottery exported to the
United States was marked ‘‘England”’ just as it is at the present time.
In the Crow Village collection there are, in addition to the 2 pieces
with hallmarks already described, 16 basal sherds large enough so
that parts of hallmarks would be visible if they were present. Thus
it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the majority of pottery
used by the villagers was unmarked. Unmarked pottery must have
been made in America, imported before 1891, or brought into the
country through other than the usual import channels (Fontana and
Greenleaf, 1962, p. 93; Ormsbee, 1959, pp. 16-17). Although it is
impossible to say with any degree of certainty, there seems little reason
to doubt that the Crow Village pottery is American and dates from
the last three decades of the 19th century.
Guass
With the exception of beads, objects of glass and even glass frag-
ments are not common in the Crow Village collection. If bottles,
drinking glasses, and other glass artifacts had been used extensively,
we would expect that they would have occurred in abundance since
the material, though breakable, is impervious to decay. It therefore
seems likely that glass, at least as a container material, was an unim-
portant aspect of the material culture.
Burtons
Five milk glass buttons, all of the common four-hole shirt button
variety, occur in the collection. They are molded in a biconvex
shape with a slight depression in one face. All have large holes, and
four are size 14 (mm.) while one is size 24 (mm.). Such buttons were
first made in France and introduced to the United States about 1860
(Fontana and Greenleaf, 1962, p. 98).
Winpow Guass
Fifty-nine fragments of window glass, forty-eight of which were
discarded in the field, also are included in the collection. Most of
the fragments are less than 2 mm. in thickness, although one piece
is 5 mm. thick. A number of fragments have edges that are straight
and smooth, suggesting the use of a glasscutter. It seems likely,
therefore, that the Eskimos obtained the glass in the sizes required,
the cutting being done at the store just as it is today. The most
222-189-675
56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 199
likely use for window glass would be as a covering for the skylight,
replacing the traditionally used gut or fishskin covering. Two
fragments of window glass have been retouched as scrapers and were
described earlier.
BoTrLes
Four complete or nearly complete bottles were recovered, along
with thirteen bottle fragments, three of which have been retouched
as scrapers (previously described). The fragments include five
pieces of thick dark-brown glass, one of which is a large basal frag-
ment, while the others are either clear or of various shades of amber
and green.
As far as bottle types are concerned, two complete specimens and
two fragments are recognizable as being associated with patent
medicines. All were presumably the same shape, being tall with
rectangular bodies and ‘‘panels’” on which the trade name might
appear. One complete bottle of this type has no trade name (pl.
13, c), while the other has “California Fig Syrup Co., San Francisco,
Cal.”’ on the front panel, and ‘Syrup of Figs” on both sides. One
panel fragment has an ‘‘’s” visible as well as the letters ‘‘pound”’
as part of the last word. This of course suggests that the contents
were somebody’s compound. The third complete bottle is of the
shape one normally associates with soft drinks, but it contained
an oily substance that smelled like a medicine (pl. 13, e). The fourth
bottle (pl. 13, d) is of bluish glass and looks older than the others.
It is rounded with a narrow neck and wide rim, but its use is unknown.
According to Hunt (1959, pp. 9-10), an easily recognized change in
bottle styles took place about the time of World War I when the necks
of bottles began to be finished by machine rather than by hand.
“In the modern machine-finished bottle, the seams from the mold
extend the whole length of two sides and even across the lip of the
neck. Prior to World War I the necks were finished by hand, and
the seams on bottles made during earlier periods end at the base of
the neck which is a layer of glass wound around the partly finished
bottle’ (bid., p. 9). This change to machine methods of bottle
manufacture can be traced to the invention by M. J. Owens in 1898
of the first successful completely automatic bottle machine (Singer
et al., 1958, vol. 5, pp. 675-676). Hunt further notes an earlier
change in bottle style which took place about 1900 when metal caps
were introduced. During the 1890’s and earlier, most bottles had
been made to receive cork stoppers (Hunt, 1959, p. 10). The im-
portance of this information as far as the Crow Village bottles is
concerned is that all four complete bottles have hand-finished necks
and therefore certainly date before 1917. In addition, all four
Se ore CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 57
bottles have necks made to receive cork stoppers, and in the case of
two specimens, the corks were still in place at the time of discovery.
This fact alone would tend to place the bottles chronologically where
we would expect to find them—at the end of the 19th century.
One other feature of manufacture and style is likely to be of value
when more research has been done on late 19th-century and early
20th-century glass bottles. This concerns the fact that molded
marks frequently occur on the bottoms of bottles and may indicate
the manufacturer, the contents, or both (Fontana and Greenleaf,
1962, p. 101). All four complete bottles from Crow Village and two
bottom fragments have molded marks. In three cases at least, these
marks indicate the name of the manufacturer but only one could be
identified definitely. This is “A & DH CO.” which stands for the
Alexander and David H. Chambers Co. of Pittsburgh (Fontana and
Greenleaf, 1962, p. 101). Fontana and Greenleaf point out that
Arthur Woodward was able to delineate many of the marks found on
bottles at Fort Union, N. Mex., but was able to identify with cer-
tainty only three, including the one given above. It is clear, as these
authors take care to mention, that much more research needs to be
done on the entire subject of late 19th- and 20th-century bottles
(1962, p. 101).
MIscELLANEOUS GLASS
In addition to buttons, window glass, and bottles, there are three
fragments of what appear to have been faceted drinking glasses.
Also there are two rather thin curved pieces that may be fragments of
ou lamp chimneys. If this identification is correct, it would be the
only indication in the Crow Village collection of the use of any kind
of lamp other than the traditional Eskimo clay variety.
BrapDs
Various types of glass trade beads were found in all houses and in
the two large midden sections. They form an important group of
artifacts whose structure, color, form, and size lend themselves to
typological analysis. Their value as dating aids, however, is limited,
and it will be possible to make only the most general statements con-
cerning the chronological position of the Crow Village beads.
In general, the bulk of the glass beads traded on the North American
continent from the 16th until the first half of the 19th century were
made in the glass factories of Venice in Italy. After that time many
beads were manufactured in France and some in Czechoslovakia,
known then as Bohemia. A number of other countries imported
beads from Italy and repackaged them for shipment abroad (Wood-
ward, 1959, n.p.; 1960, n.p.). The Crow Village beads, which are
58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
undoubtedly of European manufacture, probably were made by one
of two related processes. The single color beads were made by break-
ing a glass tube, composed of a single type of glass, into segments
which then were tumbled in a heated drum to wear off the sharp edges.
The white-lined and dark-green-lined beads were manufactured by
fashioning two layers of different colored glass into a tube, breaking
the tube into bead lengths, and again tumbling them in a heated
drum. The latter beads have a central core of one color of glass and
an outer coating of another (Duffield and Jelks, 1961, pp. 40-41; Or-
chard, 1929, pp. 82-83; Woodward, 1959, n.p.; 1960, n.p.).
Four hundred and sixteen beads of the various types make up the
collection. For study purposes these were first separated into groups
based upon color alone. The colors are given as they appear to us
and not through comparison with a standard color chart. Gradations
in color are often imperceptible, and many of the beads described also
appear to be discolored because of changes caused by chemical actions
of the soil or by firing. It was found that there were 250 white, 117
blue, 8 white-lined red, 3 green, 7 dark-green-lined red, 2 yellow, 7 red,
2 blue-lined white with alternate painted stripes, and 20 black. Next
the beads were separated according to shape within each color group,
and it was found that eight different types are represented (fig. 6).
Sizing came next, and out of the total there were 16 of the ‘‘seed”
form, those that do not exceed 2 mm. in diameter. However, there
were a large number of beads averaging 3 to 5 mm. in diameter. All
of the seed beads belong to type a and are invariably very brightly
colored. Blue, white, black, and yellow are the colors represented, and
these beads are generally similar to those sold in tubes in stores today
for sewing into beadwork designs.
b c d Q { g h
Ficure 6.—Quarter sections of beads.
Of the 250 white beads, 163 belong to type B, 78 to type A, 8 to type
E, and 1 to type p. The color varies from an extremely bright, hard
whiteness that characterizes the five seed beads to a grayish white
that is perhaps more typical of this category as a whole. The largest
white beads belong to type EB and average approximately 8 mm. in
length. Of particular interest is the single milk-white bead belonging
to type p. It was apparently cut from a hexagonal cane and is 1.5
cm. in length and 3 mm. in diameter.
The blue beads show the greatest variety of shapes and can be
grouped into the following types: 55, type a; 29, type B; 18, type 5;
8, type G; 6, type c;and 1, type r. There are nine seed beads, but a
Par Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 59
ereat many more are just a little larger than the seed bead as defined
above. The color ranges from an extremely deep marine blue to the
very light blue that characterizes the beads of the seed form. The
largest blue beads, some measuring as much as 7 mm. in diameter,
belong to type B with the exception of the single type F specimen.
Of greatest interest, however, are the eight faceted beads, all a deep
marine blue, and all averaging approximately 6 mm. in length with
corresponding diameters. These beads were cut from a hexagonal cane,
and the facets appear to have been made by rubbing each bead against
some abrasive object to create a number of irregular facets over the
entire surface (Woodward, 1959, n.p.; 1960, n-.p.).
The eight white-lined red beads all belong to type a and uniformly
have dark, translucent, orange-red exteriors and opaque white interiors.
This is a variety of the famous “‘Cornaline d’Aleppo”’ bead, the signifi-
cance of which will be discussed later.
Three green beads, all belonging to type A, are of a uniform dark
green color. One is quite large, measuring 7 mm. in diameter, and is
more round than the others.
Of the seven dark-green-lined red beads, three belong to type a
and four to type B. All have an opaque, dull, reddish brown exterior
and a translucent dark green interior which is so dark as to appear on
casual inspection as black. This is another type of ‘“Cornaline
d’Aleppo”’ bead.
The two yellow beads are about as different as any two beads could
be. One is a bright yellow seed bead of the usual type a shape, while
the other is a unique, multifaceted translucent specimen belonging to
type H. This bead, which is thick in the center and tapers abruptly
toward each end, has 23 separate facets and is the most intricate
specimen in the collection.
The red beads, of which there are seven belonging to type a, are
really more of a wine color and are all translucent.
Two interesting and unusual beads are blue-lined white with
alternate green and purple stripes painted on them. These stripes
appear to have been applied with a fine tipped brush, a delicate task
since both specimens are only slightly over 2 mm. in diameter.
Of the 20 black beads, 14 belong to type a and 6 to type B. There
is one seed bead of the latter type, but the others are not distinguished
by any unusual characteristics.
Glass beads were assigned definite trade values by the trader or
fur company dealing with a particular group or tribe. The beads
themselves were sent into the field packaged in different ways. Some
were sold in bulk, by the pound, and were shipped in casks, barrels,
or boxes, while others were strung. Stringing was particularly true
of the smaller varieties. The larger varieties were used in necklaces
60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
and for other objects of personal adornment, or were sewn as fringes
on garments. The small varieties, particularly the seed type, were
intended for sewn beadwork designs. ‘Today only seed beads are
sold to the Indians and Eskimos of Alaska and, as previously
mentioned, these come packaged in glass tubes.
From a diagnostic standpoint, the most important type of bead in
the collection is a form known to the trade as “‘Cornaline d’Aleppo,”’
so named because it was associated in the Italian export business
with the city of Aleppo in Syria. This type of bead is found widely
distributed throughout the North American continent and was
particularly popular among Indians who traded at the Hudson’s Bay
Company posts. In fact, this type of bead became known as
“Hudson’s Bay beads” in regions covered by the Company, and it is
probable that independent traders helped to popularize this form in
areas peripheral to the Company’s posts (Orchard, 1929, p. 87;
Woodward, 1959; 1960).
The dark-green-lined red ‘‘Cornaline d’Aleppo” is apparently the
earliest type and occurs extensively on sites of the 17th and 18th cen-
turies in the Eastern United States and Canada. The white-lined red
form is thought to be a more recent type, and at least one authority
believes that beads of this kind were confined to the northwestern trade
(Orchard, 1929, p. 87). Watkins examined white-lined red beads
from the Taral site but was only able to say that the type occurs
fairly early in the contact period in the northern Great Plains area
(VanStone, 1955, p. 122). It seems likely that both forms of
“Cornaline d’Aleppo” bead were introduced into Alaska after exten-
sive use elsewhere in North America, but the exact time of their
appearance cannot be determined without further detailed research.
Another type of bead from the Crow Village collection that deserves
special attention is the faceted deep-marine-blue bead. The question
that arises is whether these are examples of the so-called “Russian
beads” which have been found on Russian sites in Alaska as well
as along the coast of British Columbia and as far south as Washington
and Oregon. Woodward (1959; 1960) has noted that these beads are
called ‘Russian’ in spite of the fact that original packages wrapped
in gray paper and marked “Brussels” were found unopened in a
warehouse of the Russian-American Company at Sitka in 1867.
Blue faceted Russian beads are generally large and covered with many
small facets, which would make them both larger and more ornate
than the Crow Village specimens. This was certainly true of examples
examined by VanStone in the collection of the Alaska Historical
Library and Museum. On the other hand, Herrick (1957, pl. 5,
§1) illustrates blue faceted beads that are identical to the Crow Village
specimens, and these were purchased from Indians at Skagway.
gewelt ana CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 61
By way of summary, it can be said that although precise dating
of the beads from the Crow Village site is not possible, they pre-
sumably represent a late 19th-century assemblage of European- and
Syrian-made beads, most of which were used extensively in the North
American trade before being introduced into Alaska. At the same
time, it is at least possible that the blue faceted beads can be identified
as a specific aspect of the Russian trade and would therefore belong
to the period of early contact at Crow Village, a phase which termi-
nated in 1867.
METAL
Objects of metal form a large and important category of imported
manufactured goods from the Crow Village site. For guidance in
describing and analyzing these materials, particularly the nails, tin
cans, and metallic cartridge cases, we relied heavily on the chapter
concerning metal artifacts in Fontana and Greenleaf (1962). The
reader is referred to this pioneer study in 19th-century historical ar-
cheology for informative background material concerning the manu-
factures described below.
NalILs
Considering the abundance of metal objects in the collection, it
comes as something of a surprise to find that only 18 nails were re-
covered. ‘Twelve of these are modern wire nails, the common variety
in use at the present time. About 1855, machines were invented in
France to make complete wire nails automatically. A few of these
were exported to the United States but soon were replaced by similar
machines of American manufacture. By about 1890, machine-made
wire nails were outselling cut nails, and by 1900 the latter type was
made only for special purposes (Fontana and Greenleaf, 1962, p. 55).
All of the wire nails from the site were found embedded in pieces of
cut wood, probably parts of crates or boxes.
The remaining six nails from the site are of the square cut variety,
and each one is a different size. Four are corroded heavily, and five
show indications of having been clinched. The six sizes, expressed
in pennyweights, are as follow: 2d (pl. 14, 7); 3d (pl. 14, 7); 5d (pl.
14, h); 7d; 10d; 30d. The square cut nail was invented by a New
Englander in 1775, and until about 1810 these nails were headed by a
single hand-driven hammer blow. Between 1810 and 1830 machines
for making square cut nails were perfected until they could produce a
nail that was uniformly cut and headed. A final innovation in the
square cut nail manufacturing process was annealing. After about
1871, cut nails were heated and then slowly cooled to soften and
toughen them at the same time, thus enabling them to be clinched
without rupturing. Fontana and Greenleaf believe that any cut
62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
nail which has been ruptured in bending dates from before 1870. On
the strength of this it is possible to say that the five bent Crow Village
cut nails, none of which shows signs of rupturing, are post 1870
(Fontana and Greenleaf, 1962, pp. 53-55).
All six of the square cut nails from Crow Village belong to the form
called common cut. Common cut nails, used more than any other
form of square cut nail, were made in sizes 2d to 60d. Ali specimens
regardless of size have beveled shanks, and all shanks are rectangular
in cross section at the point. Common cut nails were used in sheath-
ing, siding and framing with the smaller sizes also being used in boxes
and crates (Fontana and Greenleaf, 1962, p. 57). It may have been
that most of the nails available to the people of Crow Village had to
be removed from boxes.
Tin Cans
Although can fragments were found extensively throughout the
Crow Village site, the quantity and variety of recovered identifiable
cans is not great. It will be remembered, however, that can metal was
used extensively for the manufacture of artifacts. Many cans and can
fragments were discarded in the field, a fact that in retrospect is
unfortunate. Although most of the discarded cans were too fragmen-
tary to be identified, an examination of the field notes indicates that
seven more or less complete specimens were thrown away, and only
two may now be identified from the notes. Had we fully realized the
importance of cans at the time of excavation all fragments and
complete specimens would have been saved.
With regard to the structure of tin cans and their chronological
significance, two important points are to be kept in mind. After the
invention of the canning process early in the 19th century, cans were
made by hand cutting tin-plated steel. The body of the can was
formed around a cylinder and the seam soldered, while separate pieces
for the top and bottom also were cut and soldered. A hole was left
in the top to insert the food product, and a smaller cap was soldered in
place after the can had been filled. A pinhole in the cap would allow
gasses to vent, and this could be sealed with a drop of solder as the
last step in the process. This type of can became known to the trade
as the “‘hole-in-top,’”’ and its construction continued to be improved
and was automatic by the 1880’s. This method of closure persisted
until the early 1900’s. The second major innovation in the construc-
tion of tin cans was the development of the modern open top can.
This development depended on the invention of suitable machines
for forming and rolling a hermetic double seam, and the diagnostic
feature of this type of can is the locked and lapped seam on the side.
By 1902 the old hole-in-top can was being replaced by the newer type,
ee CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 63
although it was some time before the new one received general accept-
ance in the industry (Fontana and Greenleaf, 1962, pp. 68-73).
Eleven types of cans from the Crow Village site are identifiable
with some degree of certainty. None of them has the dimensions of the
modern double-seamed cans, nor is it possible to refer any of them to a
specific size of the earlier soldered hole-in-top can. Nevertheless, it
is possible to obtain some idea of the kinds of canned products favored
by and available to the Eskimos.
Type 1.—A single rectangular soldered hole-in-top can, nearly
complete but badly corroded, with approximate dimensions of 7.8
by 15.5 cm. This resembles a corned-beef or other meat can of a type
that was extremely popular in the 1880-90 period and frequently is
found around old campsites. The familiar tapered corned-beef can
is similar in construction (Fontana and Greenleaf, 1962, p. 77).
Type 2.—A round soldered hole-in-top can 7.5 cm. in diameter and
8.4 cm. in height. This is probably a common fruit or vegetable can.
Type 38—A double-seamed can, badly corroded and of approxi-
mately the same dimensions as type 2 but with a central opening 1.8
em. in diameter at one end. Although small, this should be considered
as a general purpose can, doubtless one of the earliest examples of the
double seamed type.
Type 4.—A single double-seamed can 10 cm. in diameter and ap-
proximately 12 cm. in height. This general purpose can has an opening
6 cm. in diameter in one end with indications of solder around the edge.
In addition to the nearly complete specimen, there are two end sections
of similar size and shape, both with encrustations of solder around
the openings.
Type 5.—A double seamed 5-pound lard pail, badly corroded, was
discarded in the field. Also recovered were the tops of five similar
pails of the same size. All are the same as modern lard pails purchased
by Eskimos today in the Northern Commercial Company store at
Aniak.
Type 6—Two almost complete oblong, soldered sardine cans
approximately 10.7 by 7.5 cm. These are of the roll-top variety and
are probably domestic since foreign fish tins usually are stamped with
the name of the country of origin. This type of can is an important
diagnostic feature of 19th-century sites since the key method of rolling
a scored strip and thus opening the can was invented in 1895 (Fontana
and Greenleaf, 1962, p. 71).
Type 7.—This type is represented by the lids of four baking powder
cans. Three of these are from 1-pound cans and the fourth froma
half-pound can. On three of the lids it is possible to determine the
maker’s name. In the center of the single half-pound specimen and
on one of the 1-pound can lids the name “Royal Baking Powder’’ is
64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
present. Around the outside edge above the trade name are the words
“full weight” and in a similar position below the trade name the words
“absolutely pure.”’ Just above the trade name in the center is the
designation ‘‘% lb.”’ In the center of a 1-pound can lid is a crescent
moon with the words ‘‘trade mark’ within the arms of the crescent.
Around the outside of the lid is the maker’s name, “Crescent Baking
Powder.”” None of these lids is of the screw type, and presumably
they all fitted over a cardboard container, presumably with a metal
bottom. Royal Baking Powder was introducted in 1866 (Standard
Brands), and the Crescent Baking Powder Company was incorporated
in 1888 (Belanger, 1963).
Type 8.—A single cannisterlike lid is 7.5 cm. in diameter and has a
raised screw top opening 3.7 cm. in diameter in the center. This is
possibly a fragment of a can for oil, syrup, molasses, or some similar
substance.
Type 9.—Five tops or bottoms, slightly curved in cross section, are
possibly from tobacco cans with hinged covers similar to modern 1-
ounce models. However, all of these specimens have a single hole,
approximately 1.2 cm. in diameter, directly in the middle.
Type 10.—One specimen is complete, and two tops of small round
cans measure 3.9 cm. in diameter. If the single complete can is
typical, they stand 1.7 cm. in height. These small cans presumably
contained percussion caps for use with cap-lock guns. On one of the
lids is the name ‘‘Eley Bro.,’’ and below that the word ‘London.”’
This is the name of a British firm which manufactured percussion
caps in the 19th century and is still in business (Russell, 1962, p. 243).
The lids of these cans fitted tightly over a slightly constricted rim.
Type 11.—This type is represented by a single top fragment, and
the shape of the can is unknown. However, it definitely contained
some granular material, probably salt, as there are a series of small
holes arranged in the shape of astar through which the material would
be poured out. A round disk with similar holes is fastened to the lid
and could be revolved to close the openings.
As previously indicated, can fragments were found extensively
throughout the site, a total of 60 being counted and discarded in the
field. Most of these were badly corroded and too fragmentary to
indicate the size, shape, or method of manufacture of the cans.
MIscELLANEOUS
In keeping with the relatively few indications of the use of firearms
at Crow Village, only eight cartridges were recovered. Four of these
are .22-caliber long rifle cartridges which have been drilled at one end
for stringing with beads and have been described previously. Since
all have been drilled through the proximal end, the maker’s marks, if
oereae CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 65
present, have been obliterated. The Colt firearms manufacturers
patented the .22-caliber rifle in 1883 and began production in 1888
(Serven, 1960, pp. 361-363), while a Winchester model was first in
production in 1884 (Williamson, 1952, p. 424).
There are two .44-caliber rimfire cartridges without manufacturer’s
marks, presumably for use in Henry’s Repeating Rifle. This efficient
rimfire rifle was patented in 1860 and manufactured in Winchester’s
New Haven Arms Company in New Haven, Conn. ‘This cartridge
also could have been used in the Model 1866 Winchester or in several
single-shot rifles (Fontana and Greenleaf, 1962, p. 81; Smith, 1960,
p. 234).
A single center-fire cartridge case with the letters ‘“‘W.R.A. Co.”
and ‘44 WCF” on the head was doubtless used in a Winchester lever
action rifle. The .44~-.40 center-fire caliber first was used in the
famous Model 1873 (Bowman, 1958, pp. 83-84).
The eighth and last cartridge case has the letters ‘‘UMC” on the
headstamp and the caliber designation ‘'45-70.” Also occurring on
the head are the letters ‘‘S” at 9 o’clock and “‘H” at 3 o’clock. This
caliber cartridge was developed by the United States Army for its
own use in the 1870’s and was fired in single shot Springfield rifles.
The Union Metallic Cartridge Company, the manufacturer of this
particular cartridge case, was organized in 1867 in Bridgeport, Conn.
Since the firm was merged with the Remington Arms Company in
1910, it is possible to say that this case was made sometime between
these two dates (Karr and Karr, 1951, p. 7).
With the exception of the .22-caliber cartridge cases, all other cases
are for use in high-powered rifles of the sort that would be used for
the hunting of caribou and other big game. It would seem that the
rifles represented are late 19th-century prototypes of models in use
at the present time.
A blue enameled teakettle, a sheet iron frying pan, a flat bottomed
tron bucket with handle, and a pie tin, each in a poor state of preserva-
tion, were discarded in the field. In addition, three kettle fragments
and six bucket sections, all from specimens similar to the complete
ones just mentioned, were recovered. Two kettle lids seem to have
been used with somewhat smaller specimens and presumably were
fitted with wooden knob handles (pl. 14, 2). The collection of house-
hold equipment also includes a badly corroded and unmarked teaspoon
(pl. 14, f), a large serving spoon with a suspension hole at the extreme
end of the handle, the bowl of a tablespoon, the handle of a dipper, a
small copper hinge (pl. 14, r), and five fragments which are probably
from cast iron stoves. One of these fragments is large, rounded, and
appears to be part of a stove door.
66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
A wedge made from a heavy, rectangular piece of cast iron has been
pounded flat at the distal end and provided with a spatulate-shaped
working edge (pl. 14, c). A well made planing adz blade also has
been constructed from a rectangular bar of cast iron (pl. 14, 6). It is
possible that these artifacts were constructed by Eskimos at the site,
but it is doubtful whether heat of sufficient intensity for making such
implements could be obtained locally.
There are two single bitted ar heads, both with fragmentary cotton-
wood handles still in place. The largest specimen is made of steel
and is 15.8 cm. in length, 6.5 cm. wide at the butt end, and flares slightly
at the working edge. The other implement is of iron and has all
the earmarks of having been hand forged. It is battered badly at
the butt end suggesting use as a wedge. An examination of both
sides of the haft opening reveals narrow lines that suggest the metal
initially was two pieces which were molded together. Another in-
teresting feature of this ax head is that it was hafted upside down
(pl. 14, g). The collection of metal tools also includes a strike-a-light
(pl. 14, p), a heavy brass spike used as a chisel (pl. 14, e), and a nar-
rower iron spike that may have been similarly used (pl. 14, d).
Two buckles that were used on clothing were recovered. One of
these (pl. 14, g), stamped ‘‘Shirley” and “pat. Aug. 23. 92”? was used
with a pair of men’s suspenders. The other (pl. 14, m) is of the type
that may have been used to secure overall straps. Also included are
a narrow copper bracelet (pl. 14, 0) and an interesting pendant, also
of copper, for the most part round but flat across the bottom and
stamped with a rosette design (pl. 14, n).
The remaining metal objects are unidentified iron scraps, a bayonet
Fragment (pl. 14, a), and a single unidentified iron object which is
narrow, rectangular, and rounded at both ends, with what appears
to be a suspension hole drilled at one end (pl. 14, x).
Woop
Only a very small number of imported wooden objects were found
at Crow Village, and none of them is complete. Two box fragments
are both rectangular but differ greatly in size. One is relatively
heavy and is probably one end of a large box. It measures 37.0 by
14.5 by 1.9 cm. and has been used extensively as a cutting board.
Seven wire nails have been driven into the sides. The other is
small and light, measuring 11.8 by 5.8 em. and looks very much like
the end of a cigarbox. Five small headless wire nails project from
this specimen. Other imported wooden objects are a single barrel
stave 32 cm. in length and two knife handle fragments, presumably
of the kind associated with the common kitchen paring knife.
oO lt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 67
TEXTILES AND FooTwEAR
Although the Eskimos at Crow Village undoubtedly obtained a
variety of American clothing, there is little indication from recovered
textile material of the range of types available to them. Nor is it
possible to say to what extent woven textiles were replacing tradi-
tional Eskimo clothing since no remains of the latter were found.
From the six textile fragments in the collection, only two items of
clothing can be recognized. One of these is a black wide-brimmed
hat of a heavily-felted woven woolen material, and the other is a
square kerchief of Chinese silk. Both are in a very poor state of
preservation. In addition, there is a small brown fragment of a
similar material that was probably originally red, as well as one green
and two small black fragments that are also the same but not as
heavily felted. These are possibly fragments of coats.
Footwear is represented in the collection by three specimens: the
sole and heel of a man’s rubber overshoe, the similar parts of a man’s
square-toed shoe, and an almost complete woman’s laced boot. Unfor-
tunately there is nothing diagnostic about the overshoe fragment, but
the section of the man’s shoe is more revealing. On the latter speci-
men the inner and outer soles have been fastened together with head-
less brass nails driven along the outer edges, probably by a machine.
Although the top of the sole is missing, portions of the upper leather
remain where it has been tacked between the inner and outer soles by
a series of iron tackets. In 1858 a machine was invented that would
sew the sole of a shoe to the upper part with thread, but how long
after that tackets and other metal fasteners continued to be used it is
impossible to determine (Fontana and Greenleaf, 1962, pp. 103-105).
However, it seems unlikely that the shoe under discussion was made
before 1860. The woman’s laced boot is of similar construction and
thus would seem to be about the same age. After an examination
of the boot, Harold Burnham, a clothing authority at the Royal
Ontario Museum, observed that if it had been found in southern
Ontario, he would be inclined to date it in the 1860’s.
MISCELLANEOUS
The final item of imported material is an irregular lump of tar which
may have been used in the construction and repair of boat coverings.
Since tar would probably not be particularly satisfactory as a material
for the repair of skin coverings, it is probable that the substance would
have been used with canvas or even birchbark.
68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
CONTINUITY AND INNOVATION
Recovering sociocultural and other remains from a site where
ethnographic and historical information is available gives an added
dimension to the usual archeological inferences. In this context,
under favorable circumstances a single site excavation can provide
an exceptionally large amount of information about the processes of
sociocultural stability and change. Seemingly the Crow Village site
represents such a pleasing combination. From history we know that
the community was occupied in 1844 and that the last occupants left
between 1906 and 1912. Furthermore, it is clear that the village
residents represented the farthest inland settlement of the Yuk in
early historical times. History provides this outline and more, while
ethnography offers another kind of information. The ethnography of
most value was compiled by Edward W. Nelson (1899) for the Eskimos
of western Alaska. Nelson’s descriptions are of materials for both
Yuk and Inuit speaking peoples. Fortunately for this study, he col-
lected a great deal of data for the area from St. Michael southward to
the Kuskokwim River mouth. Thus he provided a description of the
historic coastal Eskimo culture which, in its prehistoric form, was the
basis out of which riverine Eskimo culture along the Kuskokwim grew.
A comparison of the Nelson collection with a historic and recent
prehistoric archeological collection from Hooper Bay Village (Oswalt,
1952) suggests that Nelson’s material represents a norm for aboriginal
central Bering Sea coast Eskimo technology for the historic and recent
prehistoric eras. It is apparent that the Crow Village collection is
within the tradition of coastal Yuk culture. In spite of certain special
characteristics, there can be no doubt that the inhabitants of Crow
Village possessed a material culture that was not radically different
from that of their coastal kin. This fact is illustrated graphically when
the Crow Village artifacts are compared with the materials collected
by Nelson and those excavated by Oswalt at Hooper Bay Village.
Very briefly, such a comparison reveals that an overwhelming majority
of the traditional artifacts in all categories can be duplicated in one
or the other of these collections. The similarity is particularly evident
when the wooden artifacts from Crow Village are considered. This is
not only the largest category of artifacts but is the most revealing
culturally as well as the most comparable, particularly with regard to
the collection made by Nelson. Of the nearly 250 identifiable tradi-
tional wooden objects, only seven forms are not present in the Nelson
collection. These are the “lance” fragment, the wooden fish spear side
prong, bench plank support, checker, flip dart, segmented doll, and
“flat”? carving. None of these forms is particularly diagnostic, and in
some cases identification is tentative.
OEE EE
dlr CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 69
Thus the Crow Village collection of indigenous manufactured goods
accurately reflects 19th-century coastal Bering Sea Eskimo material
culture. The latter Eskimos possessed a cultural inventory which was
not only elaborate but also diversified in its forms, particularly with
reference to the economic sphere. They had a technology well adapted
to sea mammal hunting, hunting and trapping on the land, and taking
fish. These people could readily adjust their economic lives to any
situation compatible with their existing technology. This seems to be
precisely what happened when they entered the Kuskokwim River
system. Fishing and land hunting methods were emphasized and sea
mammal hunting forgotten. In light of the similarities between Bering
Sea coast and Crow Village artifact forms, it seems likely that either
the Yuk movement inland was (1) quite recent; (2) early but retentive
of close ties with the coastal peoples, or; (3) a combination of both
situations. In any of these interpretations the basic cultural con-
tinuity is clear.
Even within the context of historical contact, there is additional
and more specific evidence of continuity with the past. Traditional
Eskimo stoneworking continued but with a different emphasis.
Hammerstones existed because of their general efficiency as multi-
purpose pounding implements, but they were not as plentiful as
might be expected, judging from their number and diversity in recent
coastal Eskimo sites. Whetstones on the other hand were numerous,
and since they would function to sharpen stone or metal blades and
needles their continuity was assured. ‘Their diversity of quality was
probably a function of the different qualities of stone necessary for
sharpening either stone or metal. Likewise stone-bladed ulus were
frequently recovered. In light of the presence of similar blade forms
made from can metal, which could not have functioned effectively, we
infer that large pieces of metal suitable for ulu blades were unavailable.
Even if such metal had been available, it is doubtful that sufficient
skill would have existed to refashion the metal into an ulu blade.
Today (1963) ulu blades are cut from old wood-saw blades, and it
requires good tools as well as knowledge of reworking metal to produce
a serviceable ulu. Perhaps the most striking evidence of continuity
in stone technology is found in stone artifacts for working skins.
There is a greater diversity of these types than in any other stone
category. This leads to the assumption that the technology of the
Russians and Anglo-Americans could not contribute to this complex.
An alternative explanation would be that the women were simply
conservative in their skinworking techniques, but we favor the former
reason.
Probably the most striking characteristic of Crow Village material
culture is the continuity of wooden artifact forms. This point has
70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
previously been made but merits repeating. As long as the site was
occupied, the traditional woodworking technology persisted and most
forms continued. Metal tools unquestionably increased the effi-
ciency of woodworking, but they did not change its character nor did
new wooden forms of the Russians or Anglo-Americans make a deep
impression. Most wooden artifacts can be identified in terms of the
traditional forms.
An examination of the trait list (Appendix 1) illustrates that from
the T-1 midden proportionally more objects of wood were recovered
than artifacts of any other material. Particularly noticeable is the
scarcity of trade goods and household equipment from the T—1 midden,
in contrast with the relative abundance of these objects in the T-2
midden. The association of the T-1 midden with the working of
wood is reinforced by the fact that an overwhelming majority of the
unidentified fragments of worked wood recovered from the site came
from there. This is not particularly surprising when it is realized
that this midden is located directly in front of the kashgee, while T—2
is at the entrances to H-3 and H-4. Thus the objects recovered
from T-2 are associated with domestic rubbish, while those from T-1
represent the wood manufactures that would be likely to take place
in the kashgee.
One of the most striking features of the excavation was the scarcity
of bone and antler both from the houses and middens. A table of
bone occurrences, in which the bones are not distinguished between
left and right (table 2), is quite revealing. It is more than chance that
only one bone was recovered from the extensive T-1 midden. When
bones were comparatively plentiful, as the beaver bones from T-2,
they could be associated with a single animal. It might be inferred
that the animals represented in the bone collection were rare in the
locality and seldom hunted, yet this seems highly unlikely from the
comments by Zagoskin (1956, pp. 204, 220-221) and informants’
statements (Oswalt, 1963 b, pp. 127-128). The scarcity of bones is
understandable only in the context of statements by informants.
When Oswalt asked Sam Phillips about the situation in 1953 and
Anania Theodore in 1954, both stated that animal bones were thrown
into the river to prevent the dogs from chewing them. It was thought
that for dogs to chew bones would offend the spirit of the animal
involved and, as a consequence, the species would be difficult if not
impossible to take in the future. This belief and its practice is
partially validated by the absence of bones chewed by dogs although
dogs were represented in the collection of bones. If the Crow Village
site were not in a historical context, the absence of bones probably
would be considered as in some way associated with a supernatural
involvement making it necessary to deposit the bones outside of the
O It and
Vin Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA ‘(Al
TaBLE 2.—Animal bones recovered from the site
House Test trench
Animal bone
(CP PU PN Ae a NE a (a pe (a ey [eee ea [re Sy | oe eee i gl vet
Mein dabled aah CS ites PO ee A) 1 =e Bae bs SULoe..
Gaye ekrst tS ees wee Se See eee ee og eee (eee IY oe ee eee es ee ee 7a ee
ReindcsoOn Gres ee ae ee ae eee awn one leer il i lyly |e
Pieters (PSE) SIM BLA I 2 DIRE SEAM OSES SOUS AE
Caribou (Rangifer stone):
EVO PE UE Ties i Pete cg eh RN eS le ng [La | | Sape [: b pe hap Fa
Hiimerus, promim@al endo) 20). 2 LS La | ek SAAS TEE EE he ee
Hunmenis, distal end.2 4.2 = 2 = a Ape Hea ee ee ee eee ee ee oe
ilitars proximal enc 2st ae ee eee ea i hare he A = ean [ape jl
Wink helistabend-)* Heal Gh ee es ts in FE SY SORT ERPS GE] PRESS
lial. G SoS Sees eee ae eee fee 7 ae bf EP | bo Pere 9 ee ee ae
SETAE DIT cas ee wee pas errant ag arp |p eney \ep ata ig fe AP esp earn cee a | wpe
Wietacarpalss Goes Pee FOr. eee (is Le Ne ee eh Eee |S a
ipte Marge] vc oVeme 2s | es eee: Ee eee |e [En ae 1 ee a eee | ee ee | ee
ANTI SDT), COS ep See eee een eepeae ary Mei on aca [ae lr esterase ME
Metatarsal 227 oes) Rel Se PO SE ee
LST (UCAS 9 one Ose aC es | ee See ene eee: Nee 1 ER eRe | SPIES | EM od PRU eee ee
Dog (Canis familiaris) :
skeleton, without skulles02 -2U Sk Jee |b ee A es RR AG Red pee eee eS
puvcleign wpariial 78) Hose 1 1 (Eee (Es ee ees | ae | ae
( Coreen wt UU Tas 8 a A ea, SR Cn [al beh [eet IN aa ac ay hea
Mandislevie lols Na eis ere. 2 2 1 1 iL eh Sd Es al fs
RMoasallary jraement 43.220 tte le Sl ep ae I | A
‘SYE) OU La te ei, er =e da aap a A [P| ie gees eel eae re Oe | egal
FRAGT S HEE SS ee ee a oe a a So pe |e Oe epee
AR Me RUS et Ss ae I 4 yl Scene | wy 9 |e | Sa ee
_ LECT Fe eam a fe ple sma a cpm nt (eset ea yale ee | pate (peta eae fept |yc a eS
Bemaebenes) as a - SU O WE sd Hes\ (Bee sy ee eed | recs Bie We S| ee a
Hare (Lepus americanus macfarlant) :
| oe oa a est SAA Vi el | Ra ie | eh heen Oy Ka jhe Neopets
Fiumertis>. = 208 or eis gh | 56M 6120S 2a CE Se Jib) eee
Seth a ne oer. 1 Fy et a | eres a eae ee Pac, |e
LOTTI Sem eee ee ee ee ee ene et are | here a et a ee ae [ee one ele i bya [ee
Pelviesboncs kl y tat vor leie) wees De ed Oe ea es ARG ee
Ue ee ! ae eee 7.1) (ee a A, | eee me (a Loh ee (
Moose (Alces gigas) :
MV imnigda legit: S8 ste te pls hs ih ete ow Hey ey Apa dee Sat BE Me? rahe 5 ee ee Tee
Beales 25 the fe ee OT (evenness See |S eee Pave (|| Oey
15 Lj A 8 SAS pgp ae eh pee ay BND, ae} al 2 i yes cela [adn nae
(Wilt teeter ae Sein eye ay Oy. 2. iin) |S) 8 Ee Fe Ihe ibs eee
Abia, prommalbeny segs sot 6 oe i ee Sa sae! | | pe
REnnUTY Plossl en Ge me ce elo te ee eee Stee beg ence lapels Jin
Pemiir; distal endliew spice ss) Py Roe Eee IN ay, 14 Seed ERR Lees Ee
ETL G rts RR ee TAN SS ee Oe (Fe 2 a Re ae 2 (A eet pee ea
ELA TS O17 ap pe ln ade ent i ep A (oly ‘ayn hi base [beta 4 hi ii eaten | pst?
Wie taibarac 1 ee See eerie eee TAS EAS 5 ees ee aye pl ire
Red fox (Vulpes alascensis alascensis) :
wi TE TE YG Sa AI gh a he li bly (cy FA | cpp (ER seg Cage | sy |
elec one 2e05 Le eh ET yess Dey Sx fal teh NE hg A ol Bt B5 dB e ”
Squirrel (Citellus osgoodit) :
PANTER eee ee. Ne ee 2 eee eomees 1 gl ee See eat Hs |
Mfandibieece be. SEL. see abe bby) 1
222-189—67—_6
72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
site. This is of course precisely what informants revealed. The
absence of chewed bones, however, might be overlooked and the
association with dogs not drawn.
We were rather surprised at the presence of moose bones and their
sreater frequency than caribou bones. Informants and the sketchy
historical records both lead us to believe that moose were rare along
the central Kuskokwim until within the past 30 years. If these
sources are correct then the moose bones must represent animals
hunted at a considerable distance upstream from Crow Village. This
is not unlikely since fur trapping brought about upriver penetration
by central river people (Oswalt, 1963 b, p. 129).
The frequencies of dog bones are both revealing and puzzling.
Considering the three partial dog skeletons and other dog bones,
there were more bones of this species represented than any other.
It is interesting also that mandibles of dogs were found in every
house, and in three houses (H-2, -4, —5) very few other bones were
present. Noteworthy too is the presence of partially articulated dog
skeletons in three separate dwellings (H-1, -2, -3). It is tempting
to regard dog bones as having special significance, but the precise
meaning of this fact, if it is a fact, is obscure.
In spite of the scarcity of caribou bones, there are artifacts made
from antler, a fact which suggests the hunting of this animal. Antler
artifacts, however, are not plentiful although conditions for their
preservation were favorable. Continuity with the past and with
coastal Eskimos is much less obvious in the antlerworking technology
than it is with reference to woodworking. In totality it seems that
caribou were hunted but were not very important, while antler was
replaced partially by wood or nonaboriginal materials.
The use of bone in the manufacture of artifacts is extremely rare
at Crow Village. Bone is not a particularly desirable substance out
of which to make artifacts since its overall surface is small and it is
quite brittle. It is especially undesirable if antler is available. The
only artifacts made from locally available bone were a net sinker and
awls. A ramrod and sled shoe, both of whalebone, must have been
received from the coast in trade. Considering the boneworking empha-
sis of the Northern Athapaskans and the nearness of the Crow Village
people to these Indians, there is no evidence of any borrowing of
boneworking ideas.
As has been seen, the mammal bones discussed thus far give a
distorted picture of the species taken. ‘This is also likely regarding
the fur-bearing animals. In a record of the fur pelts traded into
Kolmakov Redoubt between the years 1845 and 1860, with the
exception of 1857 (Petroff, 1884, pp. 62-65), we find that beaver
were numerically by far the most important, then red fox, land otter,
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 73
lynx, and bear. From 1856 to the end of the record, marten became
extremely important. In the American period for the year 1883 we
have arecord of all the furs traded to the Alaska Commercial Company
at their three stores: Mumtreklagamiut Station (Bethel), Kolmakov,
and Vinasale. Numerically the most important pelt was the muskrat,
then mink, followed by marten, beaver, fox, land otter, and black
bear (Oswalt, 1963 b, pp. 109-110). It was only by exchanging
pelts for trade goods that an Eskimo could obtain those exotic items
which he desired. The Crow Village people unquestionably were
participants in the fur trade, and yet there is little evidence of the
species that they took. A few beaver bones were associated with
H-3, H-4, and T-2, but again we would expect beaver and other
species to be represented more widely in the site, were it not known
that bones were thrown into the river. According to informants,
fishbones also were thrown into the river. During the excavation a
few scales and vertebrae from fish were recovered, but these were
only a minute fraction of the number that would be expected at a
riverine site where fishing was a major, if not éhe major, means of
livelihood.
Zagoskin (1956, p. 221) mentions that metal traps were unsuccess-
fully introduced for the trapping of beaver and that the aboriginal
trapping methods for taking this animal persisted, with the additional
Russian technique of destroying the beaver’s lodge. Hskimo-made
traps, consisting of snares, nets, deadfalls, and so on, would not only
be unlikely to leave traces in the archeological record, but would, in
in any case, be set at some distance from the village and discarded
when broken or worn out. It will be remembered, however, that there
are some small wooden pegs in the collection that have tentatively
been identified as snare parts. The significance of trapping to the
Crow Village people and its effect on the annual subsistence cycle
will be discussed elsewhere. Here it is sufficient to say that the ab-
sence from the collection of artifacts related to trapping does not
necessarily indicate a lack of emphasis on this activity.
The birchbark technology at the site does not represent a develop-
ment from coastal Eskimo material culture; birchbark in that area
was recovered only from driftwood and through trade. Thus a case
cannot be made for continuity, but working birchbark seems to rep-
resent a new development induced by a new environmental setting
plus the probability of borrowings from the Athapaskans. The prev-
alence of birchbark in the site in the form of baskets, storage pit
liners, roof log coverings, and floor coverings, plus innumerable un-
worked fragments, already has been noted. In fact, it is difficult
to escape the conclusion that the preparation of birchbark for its
various uses must have been an important activity. The effect that
74. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
the prevalence of birchbark vessels may have had on the scarcity of
traditional pottery is discussed elsewhere. It is significant, too, that
grass matting usually associated with the Eskimos of southwestern
Alaska is virtually absent from the site, and its replacement by birch-
bark is likely. It is interesting to note that all the fragments of worked
birchbark were recovered from the T-1 midden, suggesting that
baskets and other objects of this material may have been made by
the men in the kashgee. This explanation would not, however, be
consistent with the present day situation as baskets are now made by
the women.
Working clay into containers within the tradition of potterymaking
is seen in its last stage at the site. ‘The fragments of imported pottery
outnumber those of the locally made ware. It is true, too, that a
preference for birchbark containers may be responsible partially for
the scarcity of clay vessels. The use of clay cooking pots was in
rapid decline, but lamps continued to be useful, as indicated by 15
pottery lamp fragments, the 2 sections of imported stone lamps, and
the lampstands in two houses. While imported pottery and birch-
bark containers could easily replace clay pots, there seems to have
been no satisfactory substitute for the traditional Eskimo lamp.
This is likely to have been due to the scarcity of imported fuel, rather
than a failure on the part of the Eskimos to appreciate the advantages
of the kerosene or coal oil lamp.
Having considered those features of Crow Village culture in which
continuity with the past is certain, likely, or vague, it is now fitting
to deal with the instances of change induced by the contact situation.
This is the realm in which we would expect “ingenuity” to be most
evident. We have come to expect Eskimos to innovate along tech-
nological lines and to be original in manipulating new things; the
evidence at the site supports this generalization. An inspection of
the Jist of imported manufactured goods suggests that a relatively
small number of trade items were available to the people throughout
the period represented by the site. It is not the actual numbers or
variety of the imported items that is impressive, but rather the
manner in which imported material was adapted to local needs.
In fact, it is important that the inhabitants of Crow Village frequently
remade trade items into new things, while items from the traditional
culture rarely were remade. ‘This is striking, since the secondary use
of artifacts is a characteristic of Eskimo material culture from pre-
historic sites.
It is the stimulus toward innovation provided by the exposure to
new and different forms that is most impressive. In situations where
innovations occur as a result of contact we would expect things new to
arise from: (1) exotic objects introduced, accepted, and added to the
O It ad
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 75
cultural inventory without formal changes; (2) the availability of new
materials permitting a change of existing forms; and (3) the construc-
tion of new forms based on new models. With regard to the first
source of innovation, a reading of the artifact descriptions and a
glance at the trait list will indicate which items were accepted into
the cultural inventory without change. The impression is that the
process of selection was not a complex one. Relatively few items
appear to have been available, and they pertained to aspects of
culture in which one might expect that innovation would be the least
disruptive and the most acceptable: new forms of tools, weapons,
household equipment, and items of clothing and ornamentation. Of
particular interest are those items which indicate the introduction
of new foods. The cans recovered point to the use of the following
food products: meat, fruit, lard, fish, baking powder, syrup or oil,
tobacco, and salt. We can assume that tea was obtained either in
bricks or in packages that would leave no trace. The food products
represented here are among the most popular with Kuskokwim
Eskimos today. Baking powder and lard are used in making bannock
and are considered staples, while canned meats and fruit are luxuries.
It then appears that a desire for these imported food products was
established at an early date in the middle Kuskokwim region, but only
tea can be traced through historical references to the Russian period.
Of far greater interest and significancetis the second source of
innovation. Here we are concerned with the introduction of new
materials and their effect on the construction of traditional artifact
types and the persistence of old ideas in new mediums. The most
notable examples are discussed below.
(1) The drilled mending hole in a sherd of imported pottery is the application of an
old technique for mending traditional Eskimo pottery to the new imported pottery.
Presumably this transference was reasonably successful, although imported pot-
tery breaks with a straight edge that would make successful mending by this means
very difficult.
(2) Ulu blades from can metal were doubtless easier to make and could be con-
structed more quickly in larger sizes than those made of stone. However, the
flexible nature of the metal and its inability to hold an edge must have made these
blades less useful than those of stone. The fact that certain other tools were made
from can metal and that can metal was cut and stored in rolls suggests that the
people were experimenting with its uses.
(3) The salmon dart head of metal represents no radical change in design and might
just as easily have been made in the traditional way from antler. Here is an
excellent example of an old and familiar artifact type reproduced in a new material
without reference to the specific qualities of that material.
(4) Scrapers made from bottle glass are in no way different in overall form from
those made of flinty materials. Given the presence of heavy bottle glass, the
scrapers must have been more easily manufactured and at the same time provided
a use for broken bottles.
76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
(5) The use of a spent cartridge case to form the end of a bird dart head is only a
slight modification of a traditional artifact, but undoubtedly this change increased
the durability of the point.
(6) The example of can metal folded into shallow dishlike containers is particularly
interesting because it illustrates a conservatism with regard to the new material.
The can metal appears to have been viewed as having the same properties as
birchbark, and since this is true to some extent, the transition from one material
to another was quite successful. While can metal was apparently never plentiful
enough, or available in large enough sections, to replace birchbark, the shallow
dishes seem to have formed a useful addition to the cultural inventory.
(7) The use of a nail with the head filed away in place of a bird bone splinter for the
tip of a dart seems to be an innovation whose value would immediately recommend
it, involving as it does no change in the shape or design of the traditional form but
giving added strength against breakage.
(8) Twenty-two (.22-) caliber cartridge cases were perforated at the cap and a cord
passed through the holes. The cases were strung with beads and became a new
form of necklace.
(9) The engraved metal ferrule with encircling lines and short lines at right angles
to one of the circles represents making a design in metal which had no aboriginal
precedent.
Turning to our third category of innovation, that of new forms based
on new models, the number of examples is small. This points up a
basic fact about the nature of culture change at Crow Village, namely,
that as a result of contact, very few needs were created that could
not be fulfilled through the normal trade channels. Thus it was only
occasionally necessary for the Eskimos to improvise in order to
maintain and continue to use the imported implements which they
had already. The most notable example of the attempt to reproduce
a non-Eskimo artifact locally is the sandstone bullet mold half.
Only one other item seems to fit into this general innovative category,
and that is the artifact identified as a wooden flower. This is a form
which has no referent in the old culture and may represent a response
to the use of flowers in the services of the Russian Orthodox Church.
The various specifics of innovation mentioned above are interesting
because of the information they provide about the response of the
Eskimos to the introduction of new items of material culture. We note
that the people of Crow Village seem to have responded enthusiastically
to the relatively small number of imported items which were available
to them toward the close of the 19th century, and particularly they
seem to have been interested in experimenting with new materials.
Although neither the archeological record nor historical material
permits us to elaborate on the selection factor and trade materials,
it is assumed that the Eskimos of this area accepted whatever was
offered. We have the definite impression that the inventory of goods
traded into the middle Kuskokwim area during both the Russian and
early American periods was not great.
Gere ene CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 77
However, the truly impressive characteristic of the Crow Village
collection is not the imported goods or their use but rather the re-
markable continuity represented, with emphasis on the retention of
traditional forms. The fact that traditional Eskimo material cuture
should loom as large as it does in this collection from a site that
apparently was occupied only during the contact period seems to
suggest a single important fact: During the middle and late 19th
century, in an area of Alaska exploited by American and Russian
traders for three-quarters of a century, Eskimo material culture
retained its traditional orientation. When this is considered in light
of the change that has taken place in the area since then, it is possible
to appreciate the rapidity with which the Eskimos have been drawn
into the mainstream of American life since the turn of the century.
TIME AND CHANGE
The span of time represented at Crow Village is approximately
90 years. The presence of trade goods in the lowest midden levels
and throughout the house floors demonstrates that there was at least
indirect historic contact during the earliest stages of occupancy. It
is highly probable that Russian trade goods were obtained before the
Russians entered the river, but it is doubtful that such trade items
were plentiful even during the Russian period. After 1867, Americans
influenced Crow Village life, both directly and indirectly, until the
site was abandoned early in the 20th century. Historical information
regarding the Kuskokwim region is scarce, but it is possible to single
out particular spans of time and changes which were crucial in the
history of the Crow Village Yupik.
1818-1829
While Alexandrov Redoubt was being constructed at the mouth of
the Nushagak River in 1818, a party on the cutter Constantine
ascended the Kuskokwim River a short distance but soon returned to
the redoubt since the season was late. Here we have direct Russian
contact on the Kuskokwim with people who must have been Eskimos
(Tikhmeney, 1861, pp. 300-302). Again in 1821 we have a reference
to a person from the Kuskokwim visiting Iliamna and the notation
that the Kuskokwim people could readily trade at the Nushagak
station (Documents Relative History Alaska, vel. 4, pp. 243-244).
In 1822 there is a reference to Kuskokwim travelers to Alexandrov
(ibid., p. 821), and 11 persons from the Kuskokwim were at the same
station in 1830 (Tikhmenev, 1861, p. 340). This series of citations
serves to illustrate that Kuskokwim peoples were traveling to the
Nushagak River trading center probably both by coastal and inland
ASS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
routes, and unquestionably they returned to their homes with Russian
imports.
1830-1866
A Russian party under Vasil’ev in 1830 ascended the Nushagak
River to a stream flowing into the Kuskokwim. ‘They ascended the
Kuskokwim for an unknown distance and then followed the river
downstream to the seacoast (Tikhmenev, 1861, pp. 340-341). This
exploration was pursued in order to expand the fur trade into the in-
terior of southwestern Alaska, and one of the immediate goals of the
trip appears to have been the founding of a Kuskokwim trading sta-
tion. In 1832 such a post was established at the Holitna and Kus-
kokwim River junctions. The following year it was abandoned and
a new one erected at Kwigiumpainukamiut (Zagoskin, 1956, p. 258;
VanStone, 1959, p. 46). The final Russian trading establishment be-
gan to function at Kolmakov Redoubt in 1841 (Zagoskin, 1956, p.
258). Subsidiary stores at Ogavik, Vinasale, and Mumtrekhlagamiut
Station (modern Bethel) represent the range of known Russian trading
posts along the river (for details see Oswalt, 1963 b).
The imported manufactured goods found at Crow Village were
analyzed earlier in an attempt to date the various trade items. There
is little that can be added on this subject, and we must be content with
the general observation that the trade materials, taken as a whole, ap-
pear to belong to the latter part of the 19th century. This statement
does not, however, answer all questions concerning the matter of dating
unless we are prepared to say that all the trade goods from the site be-
long to the period of American influence, that is, the period after the
purchase. Since Crow Village was occupied at the time of Zagoskin’s
visit to the central Kuskokwim in 1843 and 1844, and presumably for
some time before these dates, it is to be expected that materials be-
longing to the Russian period would occur in the collection. In fact,
prior to the excavation of the site, the authors had anticipated that
their work would make it possible to arrive at definite conclusions con-
cerning the nature of both Russian and American trade influences. A
clear dichotomy did not emerge, and therefore a major problem is to
determine which trade goods are of Russian origin and which were ob-
tained from American traders.
In order to answer this question, or at least to make a reasonable
attempt at answering it, we must turn to the historical sources, namely
Zagoskin. According to him the specific trade goods which the Rus-
sians introduced to the Kuskokwim included black and white beads,
tobacco, Aleutian axes, copper and cast iron dishes, flannel blankets,
and items of European clothing. Other items offered for trade by the
Russians in southwestern Alaska, which probably were introduced
along the Kuskokwim River, included small white beads, “long”’
Seven CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 79
beads, small red and black beads, steel-colored and blue beads, knives,
spears of iron, steel for striking a fire, needles, combs, pipes, tin and
cast iron pots, large cups, mirrors, copper rings, earrings, small bells,
and navy buttons (Zagoskin, 1956, pp. 137, 153, 164, 252-253).
It would be desirable if the list of Russian trade goods was more ex-
plicitly descriptive, but this is the only known inventory. It is clear
from this list that there are at least a few Russian trade items in the
Crow Village collection. Most notable in this regard are the beads.
An earlier analysis of the beads stressed the general 19th-century char-
acter of the assemblage, although very little was said about the pos-
sible origin of the various forms of beads. It was possible to identify
with a fair degree of certainty only the faceted blue beads as Russian,
but likewise it is true that any European-made bead could have been
obtained by the Russians for their Alaskan trade. The difficulty here
is that the sale or trading of beads to the Kuskokwim Eskimos has
continued right down to the present time. It is undoubtedly true that
various shapes, colors, and sizes of beads were traded at specific times,
but our knowledge of the bead trade on the Kuskokwim, or anywhere
else in Alaska for that matter, is not detailed enough to present a chro-
nology based on bead types. All that can be said is that Zagoskin
lists four colors of beads that occur in the Crow Village collection and
there is the possibility that these were Russian trade items.
The single copper bracelet in the collection is, with the exception
of the beads, the object most likely to be considered as of Russian
origin. It is possible that some of the cast iron fragments may be from
the types of dishes and pots described by Zagoskin, and the same ap-
plies to the iron strike-a-light and knife blade. In spite of the existence
of these presumably Russian artifacts, however, it is clear that the
bulk of the imported manufactured goods from Crow Village belong
to the American period and were obtained from the traders who suc-
ceeded those of the Russian-American Company on the Kuskokwim.
This can mean only that the Russian influence at Crow Village was
slight, at least in terms of material culture, in spite of the nearness of
the Kolmakov trading station and the acknowledged influence of the
Russian Orthodox Church in the village.
This situation is difficult to understand, and perhaps the only reason-
able explanation lies in the reemphasis of a point that has already been
made: The actual period of Russian influence along the middle Kus-
kokwim was not only relatively short but lacked intensity. The
rarity of published accounts dating from the Russian occupation makes
it difficult to assess the influence the Russians exerted on the lives of
the Kuskokwim Eskimos. It has been stated that, initially, the Rus-
sians came to the river for the purpose of expanding their inland fur
trade. They were few in number, and they appear to have established
80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
their role among the people with caution. They had no force to back
up their position and thus could not afford to oppose the people as they
had been able to do in the Aleutians, on Kodiak Island, and through-
out southeastern Alaska. The Russians apparently did not interfere
in the affairs of the various Kuskokwim villages with which they had
contact, nor did they establish their major trading station in an oc-
cupied village (Oswalt, 1963 b, pp. 106-107). Their influence along
the Kuskokwim then was minor as far as Eskimo material culture was
concerned.
A less tangible result of Russian intervention was the introduction of
Christianity to the Kuskokwim peoples. The endeavors of the
Russian Orthodox priests were hampered by the inaccessibility of the
area, the scattered nature of the Eskimo and Indian settlements, and
the physical mobility of the people they hoped to convert. It appears
that Father Veniaminov was the first to baptize Eskimos north of the
Alaska Peninsula. In 1829 he performed the ritual for 13 individuals
at Nushagak, and during a second visit there in 1832 he held church
services for 70 persons (Tikhmenev, 1861, pp. 359-360; Barsukov,
1886-88, vol. 2, p. 37). Feodor Kolmakov, after whom Kolmakov
Redoubt was named, served at the Nushagak station as a trader and
missionary. He participated widely in Kuskokwim and Yukon River
explorations and everywhere baptized receptive Eskimos and Indians
(Zagoskin, 1956, p. 44; Barsukov, 1886-88, vol. 2, p. 38). As noted
previously, when Zagoskin was at Crow Village in 1848, 20 of the 90
residents were regarded as Christians. Two of the Christian families
living there recently had moved from Alexandrov Redoubt. In one
record it is noted that from June 1850 to the same time of the next
year, 203 persons were baptized among the Kuskokwim inhabitants.
In general, the missionary working with these people about this time
found that those living nearest the mission, Kolmakov Redoubt,
were most influenced by his teaching, and we might infer that this
would include the Crow Village Eskimos (Barsukov, 1897-1901, vol. 1,
pp. 369-370). The already quoted statement of Hieromonk Illarion
about the Crow Village Christians is instructive, for obviously these
Eskimos poorly understood the nature of Christianity by the end of
the Russian era.
Information about the number of people along the central Kusko-
kwim River within historic times is quite inadequate, but it is
possible to learn something of the nature of the settlement pattern.
Initially it should be mentioned that immediately prior to the time of
the first population statistics for specific villages, there was a smallpox
epidemic in southwestern Alaska. It apparently struck the area in
1838-39 (Zagoskin, 1956, pp. 61, 134), and of the 550 persons who
contracted the disease at Alexandrov, St. Michael, and along the
ahidae ake CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 81
Kuskokwim, 200 died (Tikhmeney, 1861, pp. 366-368). This does not
provide a meaningful index to its effect on the Kuskokwim peoples
except to suggest that it did not kill vast numbers of people as might
have been expected. Considering the river area about 60 km. up
and downstream from Crow Village as within the immediate vicinity,
Zagoskin (Petroff, 1884, p. 37) recorded in 1843 or 1844 that Crow
Village had 90 residents living in five houses, the downstream
village of Ohagamiut had 61 persons, and 120 lived slightly farther
downriver at Kalskag. No upriver community is listed until
Kwigiumpainukamiut, which is beyond the 30 km. radius but none-
theless had 89 Eskimo and 71 Athapaskan residents. In light of the
fact that Zagoskin twice visited the central Kuskokwim during his
travels, there is no reason to question the validity of his figures. In
this case we would have a total of 271 persons at Crow Village and
in the vicinity. We do not have comparable statistics available for
the latter part of the Russian period, but we would assume that the
population increased slowly after the smallpox epidemic. In any case
the population of this sector of the central Kuskokwim certainly was
quite small throughout its early history.
1867-1912
The purchase of Alaska by the United States did not change the
basic relationship between the Eskimos and the traders. The succeed-
ing trading enterprise, the Hutchinson, Kohl & Company, which was
soon reorganized as the Alaska Commercial Company, continued to
operate stores at Kolmakov, Vinasale, and Mumtrekhlagamiut
Station, but apparently discontinued the Ogavik station. The
Alaska Commercial Company had competition from the Western
Fur and Trading Company for a brief period, and at least one free
trader operated a store for a short period of time (Oswalt, 1963 b,
pp. 102-132). Precisely what the traders had to offer the people in
terms of material goods is not known in detail. An exhaustive search
has been made of various archives to locate merchandise inventories
for the Kuskokwim River stations. However, it is rather certain that
these records were destroyed in the San Francisco earthquake and fire.
From scattered sources it is possible to piece together an uncertain
picture of the popular trade items in southwestern Alaska during the
earlier phases of American occupancy. E. W. Nelson, when traveling
from St. Michael to the Kuskokwim River mouth in 1878, took “leaf
tobacco, ammunition, beads, brass jewelry, needles and other small
wares” in order to purchase ethnographic materials (Nelson, 1882,
p. 661). In the 1880’s the Moravian missionary W. H. Weinland
listed tobacco, tea, drilling (fabric), needles, powder, lead, knives,
axes, hardtack, twine, sugar, flour, and cooking utensils as the most
82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
popular trade items. He mentioned also old Army muskets and sheet
iron teakettles (Oswalt, 1963 b, pp. 110-111). In his unpublished
diary Weinland records that while at Ohagamiut he saw a young
girl wearing a headband and breast ornament which were decorated
with red, blue, and white beads, small and large brass buttons, and
empty brass cartridge cases (Weinland Collection: W. H. Weinland
diary entry for July 1, 1884). Elsewhere in his 1884 account Weinland
mentions that the women wear colored kerchiefs on their heads
(ibid., entry for June 17, 1884). From the descriptions of Kuskokwim
Eskimos by this missionary for the years 1884-87, it is apparent that
the people then possessed the material apparatus of aboriginal
Eskimos with the addition of relatively few trade items.
One trade item which merits particular attention in a historical
context is firearms. It is necessary to account for the scarcity of guns,
gun parts, and other objects associated with firearms at Crow Village.
It will be recalled that there are no recognized gun parts in the collec-
tion and relatively few objects associated with guns. It therefore
seems reasonable that guns of any kind were rare and valuable posses-
sions not only during the Russian period but through the early
American period as well. Guns were not used along the Kuskokwim
in 1843-44, as reported by Zagoskin, but they were being used at
Alexandrov and Nicholaevskij redoubts at this time. Zagoskin
suggested in his report that firearms be introduced, but whether this
recommendation was implemented is not known. It is known, how-
ever, that powder and lead were among the most important trade
items desired by the Kuskokwim Eskimos in the 1880’s, and muskets
were being sold at Kolmakov at this time (Oswalt, 1963 b, pp. 110-
111). Before 1896 there was a United States Government regulation
which prohibited the sale of breech-loading rifles to the Eskimos of
Alaska. Although this law frequently was broken, at least in north-
western Alaska, it is likely to have been more effective in the interior
where the opportunity to purchase rifles, shotguns, and ammunition
from transient individuals presumably was less than along the coast.
As just mentioned, Weinland noted that brass cartridge cases were
used for ornaments, which suggests that breech-loading guns to fire
these shells were present. The Alaska Commercial Company was
given permission in 1900 by the Federal Government to trade breech-
loading rifles at certain stores, including the one at St. Michael
(Oswalt, 1963 b, p. 111). No Kuskokwim station is listed as eligible,
but breech-loading rifles probably were obtained by the Kuskokwim
Eskimos. It appears that throughout the period of occupancy at
Crow Village, guns of all types were rare and difficult to acquire. It
is likely that none of the gun-related objects in the collection belong
to the Russian period. Muzzle-loading firearms probably were intro-
a CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 83
duced early in the American period and continued to be used during
the latter part of the occupancy of the site. Breech-loading rifles in
numbers presumably made their appearance about the time the site
was abandoned.
One possible source of trade goods for Kuskokwim Eskimos was from
the prospectors and miners who searched for mineral wealth along the
river, but before 1898 there were apparently few such individuals.
George C. King prospected for cinnabar around Kolmakov in 1881;
George G. Langtray prospected for gold along the river in 1884; three
unnamed prospectors were in the vicinity of Kolmakov in 1887-88;
and the Frank Densmore party prospected along the Kuskokwim in
1889 (Oswalt, 1963 b, pp. 41-43). The record of known individuals
searching for minerals indicates that they were few in number and
probably had comparatively little to offer the Eskimos in the way of
trade goods. They are mentioned simply to point out the rarity of
Eskimo contacts with outsiders up to the period just before the end of
the last century.
After the purchase of Alaska, the Kuskokwim converts to the Rus-
sian Orthodox Church had little contact with their priests. In a report
dated 1878, an Orthodox priest, Father Innokenty K. Shajashnikov,
surveyed conditions along the Bering Sea coast and the Kuskokwim
River. His findings were not encouraging; the church buildings were
in disrepair and remnants of Christianity hardly existed. In 1891,
however, Orthodox missionaries constructed a chapel at Little Russian
Mission. They were responding to Moravian Church activity along
the lower Kuskokwim River following the establishment of the
Moravian mission center at Bethel in 1885. The Orthodox had good
reason for concern since the Moravians opened a second mission station
at Ogavik in 1891. Furthermore, the Roman Catholics founded a mis-
sion at nearby Ohagamiut in 1895-96, but it was destroyed by fire in
1903 and abandoned in 1907 (Oswalt, 1963 b, pp. 38, 40, 48). None
of these missionary activities played a major part in the lives of the
Crow Village people. Their contacts with missionaries of any de-
nomination were slight, and no chapel or church was ever built on the
site.
The population of Crow Village and the immediately surrounding
area, embracing a 30 km. radius, was 271 in 1843-44. At the time of
the first American census for southwestern Alaska in 1880, the
downstream village of Ohagamiut had 130 persons; Kalskag, 106;
and Crow Village, 59. Across the river from the later settlement of
Little Russian Mission was Kokhlokhtokhpagamiut with 51 persons
as the only upstream settlement within the radius; this makes a total
of 346 (Petroff, 1884, p. 16). In the Federal census of 1890 we find
Crow Village with 17; Ohagamiut, 36; Kalskag, 29; and Kokhlokbhtokh-
84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
pagamiut, 20, for a total of 102. There is good reason to question
the validity of the latter enumeration, for there were no major
epidemics during this decade. We suspect that this census does not
accurately reflect the population of the area. Our suspicion can
partially be validated from Weinland’s 1884 diary entry for July 7th
(Weinland Collection), in which he noted that Kalskag and Ohagamiut
each had about 80 residents. Weinland does not record the population
of any other villages within the range of our interest. Unfortunately
the Federal census of 1900 is so incomplete that it does not aid in
reconstructing the population for that period. However, we would
be inclined to consider that the figure of nearly 350 for the 1880 census,
or a slight increase in this figure, would represent the population
number just prior to 1900.
The most critical dates in the history of Crow Village were 1900-
1901. During this time an epidemic of influenza accompanied by
measles, pneumonia, and whooping cough swept through the Kusko-
kwim River settlements. A Moravian Church medical missionary,
Dr. Joseph H. Romig, recorded the effects of these diseases. Romig
estimated that about half of the population died, including all of the
babies (Anderson, 1940, pp. 190-205; Romig, 1901, pp. 33-34). This
disaster spelled the end of an old way of life, for villages were deserted
and the population decimated. About 10 years later John H. Kilbuck
(1913, p. 22) made a trip from Akiak to Sleetmiut and remarked,
“The population now consists of the younger generation—like the
second growth of timber—with here and there a middle-aged person.”’
He notes further, ‘Villages that were once populous are now either
wholly abandoned or inhabited by 25 or 30 persons at most.’”’ The
abandonment of Crow Village is directly attributable to the epidemic
of 1900-1901, and was possibly influenced by the changing river
channel which made it difficult to gain access to the village. The
traditional culture died largely because there were few remaining
people rather than because it was slowly eroded by Whites.
In conclusion it can be noted that an attempt has been made to
differentiate between imported manufactured goods from Russian and
from American sources. It has been possible to show, largely on the
basis of Zagoskin, that a small number of artifacts can, with some
degree of certainty, be assigned to the Russian period. At the same
time, it has been implicitly, if not explicitly, stated that the extent
of Russian influence on the people of Crow Village certainly cannot
be estimated on the basis of the artifact assemblage alone. It should
be remembered that Russian influence had begun to penetrate the
middle Kuskokwim before the establishment of the trading posts
and probably even before the establishment of such important coastal
stations as Alexandrov and St. Michael redoubts. At the same time,
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 85
no evidence has been offered that would refute the general thesis that
the bulk of the Crow Village trade goods is American in origin and
presumably dates from no earlier than 1870 to the abandonment of
the site in the early 20th century.
LIFE AT CROW VILLAGE: A RECONSTRUCTION
As a result of the excavations, nearly 1,600 items of material culture
were recovered, and from this collection a broad sample of the tech-
nology was obtained. The settlement pattern was established by
digging the houses and middens as well as by observing the kashgee
cache, and storage pit remains. Archeology could offer comparatively
little additional information about the past of the site. From histori-
cal sources we have assembled references to the relationship of the
people with the Russians and Americans, while Eskimos familiar with
Crow Village when it was occupied provided ethnographic fragments.
Although the total data about the site from all of these sources is not
impressive, it is possible to integrate this information and derive a
reasonably accurate view of village culture for the period from the
1840’s to about 1900. Drawing additionally on the ethnographic
material collected by Oswalt for the central Kuskokwim River area
from Aniak to Ohagamiut, the picture becomes more complete. In
the reconstruction which follows, when reference is made to excavated
artifacts from Crow Village, detailed descriptions will not be offered
since this information may be obtained from the preceding text. Each
material trait discussed in this section is listed by source in Appendix
table 3. This list includes all the known material objects, where
identification is reasonably certain, for the central Kuskokwim Yupik
during the early historical period. Most of the descriptions are not
drawn with precision because of the nature of the information
available.
Slightly more than 130 years ago when the vicinity of Crow Village,
and probably the village itself, was occupied by Eskimos pushing
inland from the coast, and perhaps across the portage from the Yukon
River as well, the local geography was in its essence the same as it
is today. There were more trees, especially around inhabited areas,
and the river channel was in places building where it is now cutting,
but these geographical changes are not of great significance. At the
same time the faunal picture was different. Beaver were numerous
and marten plentiful, but more important, caribou were abundant.
Caribou frequented the surrounding mountains as the only large
animal of local economic significance. The moose, even by 1900,
was to be found only in the vicinity of Sleetmiut and farther up the
river. Rarely, a hair or bearded seal ascended to the central Kusko-
kwim from the coast.
86
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bull. 199
Ficure 7.—A reconstruction of Crow Village, Alaska.
ier a CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 87
A summer visitor to Crow Village in the latter part of the 19th
century would step ashore on a narrow beach of alluvium. Beyond
the water’s edge are horsetail, grasses, and a growth of willows reaching
to the base of the ridge where pebbles are mixed into the soil. Differ-
ent types of boats are drawn up on the landing and on the bank
behind. There are birchbark canoes decked over for a short distance
fore and aft and built around stringers and ribs of birchwood. There
are a few sealskin-covered kayaks with large manholes, a mooring
hole in the bow, and a projecting stern piece; this type, common
farther down the river and along the adjacent sea coast, is rare here.
An umiak, or bidarra as they are termed locally, is resting upside
down on a series of raised logs. Near the bidarra and canoes are
single bladed sprucewood paddles. Near a kayak is a double bladed
paddle also made from spruce but with a ridge running down only
one side of the blade. Furthermore, with each kayak and canoe
is a set of short spruce poles used to propel these vessels in shallow
water.
Along the beach and on the grassy ridge behind the village, persons
of both sexes are engaged in the routine activities of daily life. No
single type of clothing is worn, but a wide variety of garment forms
are to be seen. The men wear trousers of land otter or caribou skin
with the fur or hair side out, and beneath these are short underpants
of caribou skin. ‘The outer trousers are held up at the waist with a
thong, and they reach to just below the knees, where they fit snugly.
Suspenders and bibbed overalls are obtained from the traders. Addi-
tionally, leggings of caribou skin may be worn by travelers. The
parkas of some men are of the winter type with the fur of squirrel,
marmot, or caribou hair turned out. These garments are without
hoods and reach to just below the knees. They are trimmed in white
hair from the sides of a bull caribou’s chest, while a wolverine tail
dangles from the center of the back of the parka. Bands of white
caribou hair encircle the sleeves, and from these are hung strips of
otter fur, tufts of red flannel, or tufts of blue or black yarn. Above
each cuff of white caribou hair one or more bands of otter or caribou
skin are alternated. The opening for the neck is trimmed only in
white caribou hair. Other parkas of this type are made of caribou
skin but lack the arm trimmings. Some men wear hoodless parkas
reaching to their ankles, and from the parkas animal claws and tails
dangle. The separate hoods of caribou, marten, or squirrel skins are
trimmed with wolf, white caribou hair, or hare, while the inner side
of the hood is painted red. The most elaborate hoods have the tail
of a wolf or otter dangling from the top. These headpieces are of a
form common among the adjacent Athapaskan Indians. Some males
wear parkas designed for summer use only; these are of untrimmed
929-189-677
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
caribou fawn skins, reach to the crotch, and may or may not have a
hood attached. At least one man wears a broadbrim felt hat on his
head. A hooded summer parka designed primarily for rainy weather
is made from fishskins or seal intestines and is trimmed with fishskin
as well as pieces of skin from land animals. The parkas of the
women are of the same general cut as those of the men except that
the women’s are always hooded, reach to their ankles, and usually
are made of squirrel skins. They have long slits up the sides and
have more tassels and panels of white caribou hair for decoration.
Occasionally a woman is seen with the hood of her parka pushed
back and a silk kerchief over her head.
Variation is to be found in the forms of footwear. Socks are made
from woven grass, fishskin, or caribou skin with the hair attached.
Grass boot liners cushion the feet and are popular for around the
village and for short trips. Some men have knee-length boots made
from caribou leg skins, with the fur side out, and decorated along the
outer and inner lengthwise seams with strips of otter skin from which
hang wolverine fur tassels. The bottoms of these boots are made
from dehaired bearded sealskins which were obtained by trade from
the coastal settlements. Knee-length boots made from fishskins are
a popular item for men since they are light and waterproof, but at
the same time they wear out quickly and require frequent repairs.
Men, but more frequently women, wear boots of sealskin which reach
the groin, and the soles again are made from bearded sealskin. Foot-
wear which was obtained from a store includes laced shoes for women,
men’s shoes, and rubber overshoes. Items of clothing worn only in
winter include beaverskin caps for men and mittens or gloves of
caribou skin with beaded cuffs. The clothing of the children is
simply a diminutive variety of that worn by the adults. Parkas do
not have pockets, and therefore each man has a small bag of skin in
which he keeps his snuffbox with birchbark sides and a wooden
bottom.
People adorn themselves in various ways, particularly around the
face and head. Both men and women wear labrets. The lateral lip
plugs of men are disk shaped and made from wood or a ground piece
of ironstone china worn just below the lateral edges of the lower lip.
Men with a medial labret do not wear the lateral variety. Labrets
for women are made from ivory and have a hook-shaped outer
projection in which there is a hole and from which beads may hang.
The ear lobes of the women are pierced, and beads of various colors
are suspended from strings which hang from the ear. A woman’s
nasal septum is pierced, and from a sinew string passed through the
hole hang three small blue glass beads. The women also wear
necklaces of beads alternated with spent cartridges which have been
Oswalt and CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 89
punctured at the closed end so that a suspension string may be passed
through the opening. Likewise, copper bracelets, finger rings of iron
or wire, bear-tooth pendants, and pendants of metal are worn. A
favored little girl has ornaments on the front of her parka which
include beads, as well as large and small brass buttons.
On top of the ridge at the downstream end of the village are a
number of holes in the ground. They are as much as 2 m. in depth
and are lined with slabs of birchbark. These storage pits are pri-
marily for fresh salmon since they are caught late in the season,
are not processed but are placed in the ground to decay. In some
of the pits, however, dried fish are placed for winter consumption,
and a few storage pits are designed to hold berries. The pits for
berries are lined with sewn slabs of birchbark, and into them are set
birchbark baskets some 80 cm. in depth and 60 cm. across. Beyond
the pits a cache is located in a slight draw. The cache is raised on
four posts and built on a log platform. A log framework surmounts
the platform. Against it at the front and rear are planks set verti-
cally, while the sidewall planks are horizontal. At the front of the
cache is an oval opening, and a low gabled roof covers the structure.
Beneath the roof are horizontally arranged poles covered with sheets
of birchbark and sprucebark. This covering is held in place by poles
along the length of the roof; these are lashed through the bark to the
roof poles beneath. The upper poles and covering are bound in
place with strips of pliable spruceroot. Leaning against the cache
platform is a notched log access ladder, while on the platform is a
dogsled stored for later use. The runners of the sleds are usually of
spruce although some are made from birchwood. Irrespective of the
material, the runners are some 2.5 m. in length, 7 cm. high, and 3 cm.
in width. The ends of the runners have an upward bend, and above
the stanchions is a flat bed some 76 cm. wide. The sled may be
shod with whalebone or wood. Another type of sled, for hauling a
canoe or kayak over ice or snow, is also seen. It is about 1.2 m.
long with short stanchions and a low bed joined with short cross-
pieces. Resting on the cache platform are snowshoes made from
birch or cottonwood with rawhide thong webbings. The snowshoes
are about 1.2 m. long, and they have a turned-up toe. Beneath
the cache two to four sled dogs may be tied. ‘Their harnesses,
made from old twisted fish nets, are hung from one of the cache poles.
Passing before the cache and climbing up the ridge, the visitor
sees a low mound of earth protruding from the hillside. On top of
the mound a frame is propped to one side, and over the frame is
stretched a thin translucent fishskin covering. Out of the roof
opening, which at times is covered by the window, smoke rises from
the fireplace below. This, like all the other houses, is occupied by
90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
women, girls, and young males. Access to the house entry room is
through a low oval opening in a plank wall. In the entry room is a
sealskin poke filled with seal oil, and at the opening in the poke is a
wooden stopper. <A right-angle turn is made to crawl through the
tunnel, at the end of which is a step up to the house proper. On
either side of the living room is a log extending the length of the
structure. These logs separate the walking and fireplace area from
the sidewall benches where the residents eat, sleep, work, and lounge.
On the benches are layers of grass, and over the grass are animal
skins and flannel blankets for bedding. A small saucer-shaped clay
lamp from 15 to 20 em. across rests at the edge of one bed. In the
lamp, fish, bear, or seal oil is burned on a wick of compressed moss.
In other houses of the village there are lamps raised on wooden stands
as well as shallow bowl-shaped lamps of stone or stone lamps with a
wide rim and shallow basin. Elsewhere in the community are houses
with plank benches, and occasionally stool-shaped supports are placed
beneath sagging bench planks. Next to the fire, which is near the
center of the floor of any house, are wooden ladles with round or
oblong bowls. Beside them is a clay cooking pot which has straight
sides and measures some 30 em. across the bottom; it is not decorated
and does not have suspension holes. A situla-shaped vessel with a
simple design of lines and dots near the rim also may be seen. The
people likewise cook in birchbark baskets by heating stones in the
fire and dropping the stones in the basket containing food to be
cooked. In spite of the fact that each house has a fireplace, the
people have come to accept the use of cast iron stoves.
Although some of the cooking utensils and equipment in the house
are from the aboriginal cuture, most have been obtained from the
traders. An assortment of tin cans, a few glass bottles, and a drinking
glass are scattered about in the house, while a plain metal or enameled
teakettle and a frying pan are near the fireplace. Metal pots, a
pothook for suspension, buckets, teaspoons, tablespoons, dippers,
and ladles, along with an occasional pie tin, are among the trade
items. Imported wooden items are rare but include plank boxes and
wooden barrels. It is striking that everywhere in the village there is a
greater variety of trade goods associated with household activities
than with any other segment of the economy. This is all the more
apparent when the numerous dishes of metal which have been remade
from tin cans are noted. Other containers scattered about the dwelling
are made from birchbark. The largest is some 50 cm. square and
is used for carrying heavy loads. There are rectangular plates of
folded birchbark and a wide assortment of various sized birchbark
baskets, dippers, and plates. All of these smaller containers are folded
at the corners, and the folds are held in place by bindings of spruce
oevalend CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 91
root or the inner bark of willows. Some of the more carefully made
vessels have strips of black horsetail root woven into a border design
along the rim. In order to make certain that the bark from any birch
tree will lend itself to basket or canoe construction a strip of the bark
which includes a lenticel is peeled away from the tree and bent at
right angles to the direction of the lenticel; if the strip does not split,
the bark is considered adequate. Other vessels are made from
sprucewood planks which have been steamed and bent into an ovoid
shape. A worked slab of sprucewood forms the bottom, while the
sides are overlapped and bound together with spruce root lashing.
These vessels may be quite small, about 10 cm. across, or up to a meter
across. Some of these containers have attached wooden handles.
The vessels made by some but not by all men have designs cut into
the bottom to indicate the manufacturer. Food trays are made from
oblong slabs of spruce and have lips around the edges into which small
ivory inlays are sometimes set. A burl of spruce is hollowed out
occasionally, and the finished product is used as a dish or storage
bowl. The same is true for a container made of pecked and then
ground stone. There are likewise eating dishes made from spruce,
usually ovoid inform. The cups used are mostly those received from
the traders. They are either plain or have hand-painted designs or
transfer prints along the sides; unlike cups, imported saucers are
rare. The family may have an imported pottery teapot. A few cups
are made from steamed sprucewood with the sides fitted about a
small ovoid wooden bottom; the handle is an extension of the side
beyond the side seam. A few small containers of woven grass are
found, along with plaited ropes of grass, wads of grass, and small
woven mats, but these are not common in their occurrence. Likewise
there are bags made from fishskins. In the house also are sprucewood
ladles with very shallow bowls used for serving agutuk or fish.
Various sized cutting boards are about the room, and a woman’s
ulu with a blade made from tin can metal or ground slate and a
wooden, or less often an antler, handle usually is near at hand. The
women also have sewing equipment, which includes steel needles, the
back sinew from caribou, bone awls, and numerous pieces of fur for
garments, their trim and repair. Women are also the ones who make
the fish nets, and their most important netmaking tools are gages for
various sized meshes and shuttles for a ready manipulation of the
netting material. The netting material is the inner bark stripped
from willow branches in the early spring, twisted grass, rawhide
thongs, or four-ply cotton twine obtained from a trader. The twine
is separated into a two-ply string in order to extend its use.
Leaving the house, the visitor sees numerous drying racks, from
which fish are hanging, and a dome-shaped structure. This is a
92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
temporary dwelling erected by the family as their summer residence.
It is about 3.5 m. in diameter and is covered with spruce and birch-
bark slabs which are tied over a circle of poles stuck into the ground
and lashed together at the top. A central opening in the roof allows
the smoke from the interior fireplace to drift out. This type of
structure may be used for storage, and a similar form covered with
erass is sometimes used by travelers who are away from the settlement.
The most striking structure in the settlement is the kashgee. This
earth-covered mound is higher than any house mound and of greater
dimensions. In front of the kashgee stands a carved pole with the
figure of a bird, probably an eagle, at the top, while at the base of the
pole is a life-sized carving of a young girl. The pole was erected by
the leading man in the community in memory of his daughter who
died in her youth; the bird represents the animal familiar of the man
who erected the pole. The relief carving of the girl is adorned with a
necklace of beads, ear ornaments hang from the ear lobes, and her
face is greasy from being “‘fed.’’ After pushing aside a brown bearskin
doorway covering, the visitor passes into the tunnel entry to the
kashgee. The tunnel is some 2.5 m. in length, and at the inner end is
the men’s house. It is some 6 m. across, and the hand-hewn vertical
wall logs are as much as 1.2 m. across. Along all four walls are two
levels of plank benches. The lower bench is nearly a meter in width,
and about 1.8 m. above the floor is a second bench some 60 cm. wide.
The lower bench planks are so wide that they could not have been
hewn from any locally grown spruce. In the center of the plank-
covered floor is an opening about 1.2 m. square; this is the firepit,
which is covered with planks when it is not in use. Light penetrates
the kashgee through the roof opening above the firepit, but still the
room is not well lighted because of the soot-darkened walls and
cribbed roof. Artificial light is provided by two large bowl-shaped
lamps, each resting on a wooden stand adjacent to the sidewall
benches about midway along these walls.
Within the kashgee are the men and boys who are residents of this
structure. They are lounging, chatting, or working on various
artifacts. Of all the tools used by the men none is more important
than the crooked knife, which has a small metal blade set into
the side of an antler or wooden handle. The men also employ a
knife with a metal or stone blade set in the end of a handle, and
likewise a bayonet has found its way into the community and probably
is used as a knife. Metal-bladed axes are to be found, but the more
common woodworking tool is the metal- or stone-bladed adz. The
stone adz blades are made from flinty material obtained from up the
Aniak River or from ground slate. The stone or metal blades are
hafted directly on wooden handles or less commonly set into an
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 93
antler head. The adzes serve for splitting or planing wood, and the
handles have a slight curve. A wide variety of whetstones exists,
with various grades of coarseness for sharpening different stone and
metal blades. Large grinding stones for the shaping of stone imple-
ments are found. Among the other important woodworking and
wood finishing artifacts are the wooden handled beaver tooth draw-
knife, engraving tool with wooden handle and small metal blade,
drills with stone or metal bits, and an occasional metal-bladed
paring knife or metal awl. Nails are known but are not commonly
used in the construction of wooden objects. Hinged containers are
known but are rare, and the hinges used in one instance are copper.
Metal spikes of brass or iron serve as chisels or wedges.
A man in the process of manufacturing sculptured wooden figures
to adorn a grave spreads before him various types of paint which are
applied to grave objects and to masks. For red paint a sharp stick
is thrust into a nostril until the blood flows. The blood is mixed
with a white or red ocher which has been ground into powder in a
small stone mortar. Black paint is made from coal which is ground
in a mortar and mixed with water. White paint is produced from
the white rock alone and again mixed with water. Blue is a mixture
of ground white paint and rotten pieces of decayed birchwood found
beneath the ground. For a paintbrush the man uses the tail ofa
marmot.
Certain raw materials are saved for future utilization. These
include rolls of unworked birchbark, metal cut from tin cans which
has been rolled or folded, and sheet copper. For the manufacture
of antler objects the men prefer to obtain antler from living animals
in the early spring. It is at this time that the antler is said to be
at its hardest and makes the most durable implements. Among
the antler manufactures, which are cut in rough outline with a metal
saw, are net sinkers, wedges, handles for ulus or crooked knives, and
arrowheads. The arrowheads occur in three varieties. One form
is unilaterally barbed; a second form is bilaterally barbed although
both have wedge-shaped tangs. The final type has a flat lanceolate
blade with an open socket.
Outside of the kashgee entrance toward the brow of the hill, men
perform various tasks. One may split a tree trunk with the aid
of antler, metal, or wooden wedges struck with a cottonwood maul,
hammerstone, or imported ax. The wooden wedges are made from
the compression wood of spruce trees and are as much as 15 cm. in
length. Near some of the people working out of doors are small
smudge fires in which smoulders rotten wood or fungus from birch
trees. One man makes an object of soft stone which is cut into shape
94. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
with a stone saw, then packed and abraded with hammerstones and
grinding stones.
A gill net to be set for salmon is placed in a river eddy. The
oblong cottonwood bark or spruce root floats are tied to the upper
edge of the net, and the lower edge is weighted with pieces of clamped
lead, sections of caribou antler attached by lashing holes drilled in
the antler, sections of bone notched at the ends, or notched pebbles.
These nets are most often 3 to 6 m. in length and are attached to the
shore with a rope of willow inner bark. The opposite end is anchored
with a rock attached to another rope of willow inner bark. A net
set for salmon may be 90 cm. to 1.8 m. wide, including 10 to 15
meshes. A whitefish set net, on the other hand, is 3 m. long and
eight meshes deep, 70 to 90 cm. depending on the mesh size. The
salmon nets used in drift netting from a canoe are some 20 m. in
length and some 1.5 m. wide. ‘The best place to drift with such a
net is away from the riverbanks but near a sandbar where there are
no obstructions beneath the water. ‘These nets are paid out at right
angles to the current from a round birchbark or wooden container
which is placed in front of the fisherman in his canoe. The spruce-
wood floats for a salmon drift net are oblong with an attachment hole
at one end. They are placed at the end of a line which is as much
as 1.8 m. from the net; inflated animal bladders likewise may be used
as floats. At the far end of the net, away from the canoe to which it
is attached, is a wooden float carved to represent a fish duck. A
man setting and tending such a net keeps a wooden club or a bone
awl in his canoe to kill the fish he takes. The awl is stuck in the
neck of the fish in order to prevent it from thrashing, which would
tear the net; this precaution is particularly necessary with king
salmon. Not only are gill nets set in the river during the summer,
but they are used in lakes, such as Whitefish Lake, where whitefish
may be netted throughout the year. Furthermore, whitefish, pike,
and a species of cod are taken with gill nets set beneath the ice during
the winter months.
From a riverbank, salmon are taken with long-handled dip nets
some 1.2 m. in diameter at the mouth. Dip nets also may be used in
the main river or in small streams in the spring. Spring is the time
that fish, particularly whitefish and pike, ascend these streams from
the main river. Individual salmon may be speared with a barbed
salmon dart made from a piece of iron, or with a leister, which also
is used for other large fish. In the winter, up the Aniak River, trout
or pike sometimes are taken with a hook and line. A piece of red
flannel is tied to a hook and the line paid out from a short rod. Another
short pole is held across the line and raised and lowered in the water
Oo It d
Oswalt, and CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 95
to attract the fish. As the bait is struck, the fish is quickly lifted from
the water onto the ice.
Fishtraps are probably the most efficient means for taking all
species of fish. These are constructed from straight splints of spruce-
wood bound at right angles to similar splints lashed into circles of
decreasing size. The splints are prepared by splitting sections of
straight grained spruce tree trunks with wedges and by removing
sections of the appropriate size with the wedge-shaped proximal end
of an antler crooked knife handle. ‘The splint circles gradually lessen
in diameter from the mouth of the trap to the opposite end where
the exterior longitudinal splints are bound together. At the mouth
is placed a small funnel of splints leading into the trap. YFishtraps
may be as much as 1.5 m. wide at the mouth and 5.5 m. in length.
They are set in the main river channel in association with weirs of
poles and brush or else in narrow streams leading into the Kuskokwim.
All the locally available fish may be taken in traps, but there is a
greater use of nets in catching salmon.
The fish caught are prepared for storage or immediate consumption
by the women. Salmon and whitefish are sun dried on pole racks
after being cleaned and split. They may then be smoked above a
small fire of cottonwood and placed in a cache or storage pit for later
use. Cod are prepared for immediate consumption by cleaning and
then boiling them, or else they are preserved by freezing, to be eaten
later in a partially thawed state. The meat from any land animal
usually is boiled if it is to be consumed in the village, but it may be
roasted by men in a hunting camp. For future consumption it will
be dried and stored. Berries which have been boiled with fish eggs
are stored in birchbark containers in underground pits for later use.
Vegetable products are not used in the diet nearly as much as fish and
meat; the most important vegetable food is agutuk made from berries,
usually salmonberries, mixed with meat or fish, vegetable roots or
greens, and oil from any large game animal. Berries may be eaten
raw as are mushrooms, while young fireweed and wild rhubarb plants
are boiled with fish in a soup.
The importance of hunting is much less than that of fishing, but
various hunting methods are utilized in taking different land animals.
Snares for hares are made from twisted cords of grass and are set along
their trails in the snow. Snare loops for squirrels are made from the
central rib of a long feather from a bird’s wing. They are set along
the animal’s runway and are attached to a small tree, with the tree
serving as a spring pole. The spring pole snare is likewise used in
taking hares and lynx. In the spring, deadfalls are used for bear,
mink, and marten. Muskrat, mink, land otter, and marten may be
96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
taken in fishtraps set in small streams; these traps are usually set for
fish alone but sometimes are set specifically for mink or land otter.
The people also employ a trap made of netting which entangles a fox
or marten. Otter may be killed with arrows or even taken by hand,
but the latter method probably is rare. Beaver are taken with a bow
and arrow or clubbed to death when they temporarily leave their
lodges during a mild spell in winter. Additionally, beaver may be
trapped in rawhide nets set beneath the ice during the early fall.
From fall until spring the lodge may be broken into after the exits have
been blocked; the animals then are removed with an iron hook. Birds
are taken with blunt arrows shot from bows or with a bird spear, and
ptarmigan in particular are taken with snares.
Hunting black bears in the late fall when they are in prime condition
requires the ability first to locate a den. It is said that when a bear
walks near his den, he jumps off the trail, leaving no tracks, to the spot
where the den is located. When the den has been found, a pole probe
is pushed into a hole to locate the head of the sleeping bear, and it is
then killed with a lance or the shot from a gun. The lance is made
from a wooden shaft with a ground stone point attached to the end.
Another bear-hunting method, used in summer when the animal roams
about, is to approach the bear so closely that it will stand up a few
feet in front of the hunter. The animal is then lanced through the
neck. This is a particularly dangerous method of hunting, especially
for brown bears.
Most fishing, along with some hunting and snaring, takes place near
the village or at the adjacent streams, lakes, and forested or tundra
areas. ‘The most adventurous hunting, however, is away from the
village locality. In the fall after the major portion of the winter’s
supply of salmon has been dried, smoked, and cached, the men prepare
for their annual fall hunting trip by canoe or kayak up the Aniak or
Kuskokwim Rivers. Some men take sinew-backed bows and arrows
as well as lances for their major weapons, while others have .44- or
.45-.70-caliber rifles or even muskets. ‘The musket balls are cast
from lead in a homemade mold of stone; a whalebone ramrod may
be used with the musket. Hunters who ascend the Aniak River are
interested primarily in taking caribou and bear, while those who go
up the Kuskokwim River to Sleetmiut and beyond hope to kill not
only caribou and bear but also moose. ‘The men travel upstream and
ascend the tributaries in which they are most likely to find game.
They hunt until just before the Kuskokwim River is expected to
freeze, and then they assemble their catch at a riverbank and build
a wide beamed bidarra with a frame of bent poles covered with the
fresh skins of newly killed large animals. This improvised but
highly efficient vessel carries them and their load back to the village.
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 97
The processing of skins is one of the many important duties of the
women, and it involves the use of diverse artifact forms. First the
inner surface of a fresh hide is scraped with a coarse stone scraper
made from a boulder chip, and then the skin is rubbed on the inner
surface with the grease or marrow from caribou or moose. One form
of scraper has a ground stone or metal blade cut from a tin can hafted
in a short wooden handle, but the scrapers made from pieces of flinty
material or glass are unhafted. The flaked scraper blades are either
end or side scrapers. Caribou skins may be prepared for use by
scraping them and then sprinkling the inner surface with a powdery
white rock found in the riverbank near Ohagamiut. In order to
remove the hair, the skin is soaked in water until it begins to decay,
and then the hair is removed easily with a coarse scraper. Fishskins
likewise are scraped clean with a sandstone scraper, but they are not
rubbed with oil or marrow because of their already oily nature.
Diverse types of toys are used by children, and one game is played
by men. Children play with bull roarers made from wood; among
these people the buzzing sound that the toy makes has no supernatural
implications. Segmented dolls of wood are dressed like people and
are played with by little girls. Both girls and women employ story-
knives to illustrate their “‘storyknife tales.”” A game of darts is played;
the darts are made from wood but have metal points. A ball made
from twisted grass is used to play a game of keep away, and another
competitive sport is to see who can chop a hole in the ice the most rapid-
ly. Contests also are held to determine who can succeed in outdistanc-
ing his competitors on snowshoes or jump the farthest on foot. Boys
are known to play with wooden tops, and kowchowak is a popular game
played by the boys in the kashgee. The kowchowak is cone shaped
at one end and extends to a flat rectangle at the opposite end. The
game is played by trying to flip the dart into holes of various sizes in
the floor of the kashgee. Checkers also are played in the kashgee;
this game, of course, was introduced by Whites. Children may play
with small models of artifacts used by adults, such as toy bows, salmon
darts, bird darts, pistols, and other weapons plus dishes, buckets,
and boats. Small carvings of animals in wood include images of
bears, mink, caribou, ermine, a “‘serpent,’’? and loon. It is not certain,
however, that these are toys; they may have ceremonial associations
as mask appendages or as carvings for graves. The only gambling
game known among adult men is the hand game in which two teams of
four men each sit opposite one another in the kashgee. Each side
attempts to guess in which hand one player of the opposite team
holds a marked gaming piece. Behind each group of players two men
stand and sing songs, no doubt to confuse the guessers of the opposite
side. Additional details of the game are not recorded, but individuals
98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
are known to have lost considerable amounts of property in the process
of playing it.
Returning to the kashgee to consider its functions further, it is
obvious that this structure is the hub of village life. For not only do
the men and older boys live and work here, but it serves additional
purposes. It is here that the men bathe in the late afternoon of al-
most every day that they are in the village. In order to bathe, the
window covering is removed and a large sprucewood fire is built in
the firepit. The fire may be lighted from a strike-a-light or with a
fire drill propelled with a strap. When the smoke from the fire has
cleared from the room and the wood has become reduced to a layer
of glowing coals, the men remove their clothing and replace the win-
dow cover. Each man then sits with a wad of wood shavings stuffed
in his mouth and breathes through this respirator. The men wash
themselves with urine and scrub their bodies with grass. After the
room begins to cool, they sit outside the kashgee until they are dry.
Then they dress and return inside to wait for their evening meal to
be brought in by the women and girls. This and all other meals are
prepared by the women in their houses and served to the men and
older boys in the kashgee. The women eat with the other females
and young males in their respective dwellings.
Village ceremonial life centers in the kashgee, but not simply in their
own kashgee. The proximity of Ohagamiut and the fact that they
have a much larger kashgee frequently induces the Crow Village
people to join those of Ohagamiut to present a major ceremony.
The practice of having ceremonies in first one village and then the
other is reinforced by a system in which each man has a male partner
in the other settlement from the same male line as his father’s partner.
These partnerships are linked to a system of ceremonial exchanges or
“notlatches.” It is likely also that a man has sexual intercourse with
the wife of his partner.
About the time of the Kuskokwim River freezeup each year the
people prepare for their winter ceremonials. The face masks manu-
factured represent animals such as the bear and fox, or birds such as
the raven, while still others are in the form of human faces or spirits.
These masks are made from spruce from the trunk of a tree or, more
preferably, from spruce roots since the roots are carved more readily
and tend not to crack. Some of the masks have small wooden carv-
ings attached to the sides on slender pieces of wood; these carvings
represent fish, animals, boats, and wands. Each mask has a special
song and dance associated with it, and every year new masks are
made, new songs composed, and different dance motions developed.
A man may make one type of mask one year and another the next
year; there is no rigidity to the form of a man’s.mask.
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 99
At this time of the year when the moon becomes new the women
prepare food for the particular festivity which occurs. Two men
dressed in old and very tattered clothing parade about the village
wearing “funny” masks. They go from house to house begging
food, and what they receive is placed in woven grass baskets carried
by men who follow the masked performers. After all the houses
have been visited, the men return to the kashgee with the food and
feast on it for 3 nights. This particular ceremony, from its descrip-
tion, appears to be a largely secular activity. Another ceremony has
supernatural implications that seem to center about a propitiation of
the dead and possibly the magical renewal of game; it also is held at
about this time of the year. The ceremony centers about the gather-
ing and burning of wild celery stalks (for details see Oswalt, 1957,
pest):
The specifics or even the gross patterning of the winter ‘‘potlatches”
and feasts for the dead are not recorded although each is known to
exist. It might be anticipated that these are quite elaborate, con-
sidering the dramatic effects achieved in central Kuskokwim Eskimo
ceremonies in general. When the kashgee is prepared for a ceremony,
a grass mat or canvas curtain is hung to separate the audience from
the preparing performers. When a skit is to be introduced for the
first time, the guests eagerly await the performance. The drummers
sit on the upper bench beating their tambourine drums, which consist
of a handled wooden frame over which is stretched an animal’s
intestines or stomach. The men beat the drums very slowly with
sticks and sing softly so that the assembled people must strain to hear
the words being sung. Then the man whose song is being introduced
rushes from the audience to behind the stage curtain, strips to his
short underpants, and imitates the sounds of the creature he is going
to portray. He then sticks his masked face through an opening in
the curtain before entering the performing area. From either side of
the kashgee a woman comes forward to join him; each woman is dressed
in her finest parka and holds finger masks in each hand. Some of
the finger masks are trimmed with feathers, while others are edged
in long caribou hair. Dancing women may at certain performances
wear only rain parkas made from intestines. The women keep time
to the drums with motions of their arms. Any particular song is
sung three times, with each repetition at a faster tempo, until at last
the performers sing, dance, and drum as fast as possible.
When the melting snows of spring introduce the month of April,
ceremonial attention turns to the subsistence activities for the coming
year. In order to try to predict what the year will hold, a doll
ceremony is performed. Special dolls are retrieved from their hiding
place, and their clothing is inspected for the scales of the species of
100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
fish which will be most plentiful or a bit of fur to indicate which of the
fur animals most likely will be taken in the year to come (for details
see Oswalt, 1963 b, p. 69). In the spring, too, there is an interest in
establishing which salmon will arrive first along the central
Kuskokwim. When the first fish jumps following the breakup, a man
paddles out in his canoe or kayak and with a small birchbark dipper
takes water from the river. The water is brought back to shore and
tasted by different individuals. From the taste of the water it is
thought that it can be predicted which species of salmon will arrive
first, the dogs (chum) or king salmon. The reason for this interest is
that different gaged nets are required for these respective species,
and the nets to be set first are determined by this procedure. The
only suggestion of the presence of Russian Orthodox missionary
activities among the people is a single carving in wood that may
represent a flower and have associations with Christianity.
In the ceremonial life of the village the children are not forgotten.
For example, when potlatches are held, each child, no matter how
small he or she may be, is always remembered with a gift from a host.
The real introduction of a small child to ceremonial life comes when he
or she performs a dance for the first time. The performer stands in
the kashgee holding the skin of an animal, while one adult sings and
another dances for the child. After his “performance” the parents
distribute gifts to all the assembled guests from other villages. A
ceremony for boys is held in the late summer; this gives recognition
to their hunting activities during the year (see Oswalt, 1963 b, p. 138).
Along the hillside above Crow Village the dead are buried in small
boxes of hand-hewn planks bound together at the corners with spruce
roots. The body of the deceased individual is placed in the coffin
on its back with the knees drawn up to the chest and hands crossed
over the chest. The clothing of the deceased, except that in which
he is buried, is burned unless he or she has lived a long time. In
this event various items are given to young children so that they too
may live long. Some of an individual’s small tools and equipment are
placed in the coffin, while other small items are given to relatives and
good friends as remembrances. On the outside of the coffin of a
male may be painted representations of the most important species
the man killed during his life. If the man was a great caribou hunter
or fisherman, paintings of caribou or fish appear on his coffin. Paint-
ings or small wooden carvings of the most important species hunted
by a man are pegged to a board at the head of the coffin. On this
board too is very often a carved representation of a man or woman,
the sex being the same as that of the individual interred beneath.
A separate wooden representation of the person is pegged on the board;
for a woman the head is in partial relief and adorned with beads
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 101
around the neck and hanging from the ears. <A few graves have
separate wooden carvings of humans. On these the head and
shoulders are represented, and the carvings are placed on poles set
in the ground near the grave. On top of the closed coffin or surround-
ing it, strips of birchbark are arranged so that water may not reach
the body. At each corner of the burial box is a post, ranging from
45 cm. to 1.5 m. in height, which holds the box up from the ground.
Over the grave boxes or stuck in the ground around them are placed
larger items belonging to the deceased. For a man his canoe, sled,
bow, arrows, and spears are found; for a male child his toy bow, a
small boat model, a ball, or top are left.
ARCHEOLOGY AND ETHNOGRAPHY: INTERPRETATIONS
The rationale for attempting historical archeology along the banks
of the central Kuskokwim River was set forth in the Preface. It
was pointed out that the difficulties in reconstructing the ethnographic
past with informants proved to be insurmountable, and yet the aim
was to compile a culture history of the area. The best approach
seemed to be to excavate Crow Village first and then to integrate the
site findings with informants’ statements and historical sources. Now
that the excavation is completed and descriptions of the finds offered,
along with informants’ interpretations and historical references, the
authors are not satisfied with the results and recognize major difficul-
ties inherent in this type of archeological study. The primary
handicap and disappointment in the Crow Village excavation was the
absence of a recognizable division between the Russian and American
periods. It had been assumed that Russian levels could be isolated
in the lower midden and house floors, but this turned out to be im-
possible. Direct Russian influence on the Eskimos of Crow Village
was not intensive, which in part explains the failure. It is likely
that similar conditions will be present at other historic sites in Alaska,
except perhaps at trading posts and in southeastern Alaska.
Assuming our judgment—that no boundary exists between the
Russian and American debris—to be correct, the question is: Does
this particular fact lead to any general implications for archeologists?
Initially, we wonder whether short-term exotic influences may be
isolated in an archeological context. There were at Crow Village
nearly two generations of historically documented contact with the
Russians, and we have a partial inventory of trade items carried into
the area by the Russians. Not one Russian artifact, however, was
identified with absolute certainty. This fact becomes significant
when it is recalled that all of the houses and middens were excavated.
The absence of positive identification may stem, in part, from not
102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
knowing more about Russian trading inventories, but at best this is
only a partial explanation. Judging from our experience at Crow
Village we not only question but challenge the precision of evidence
for culture contact in prehistoric contexts where the controls are
much less adequate. A possible solution to the problem, at least as
it pertains to historical archeology, certainly lies im more detailed un-
derstanding of relatively subtle changes in the forms of trade goods.
Admittedly the analysis of trade goods from Crow Village is not
comprehensive. Our ignorance about the nuances of change in trade
artifacts points up an important gap in the literature and the need to
develop better techniques for dealing with such items. It is axiomatic
that the shorter the period of time involved in site occupancy, and the
more rapid the rate of change, the more refined the techniques of
archeological analysis must be to deal effectively with the problems
of interpreting change. It is a simple truth that before we make
detailed statements about the cultural changes in Alaska during the
19th century, it will be necessary to learn more about trade goods. A
study of museum collections from the early historic period must be
made to enlarge our knowledge of trade categories and to assess the
chronological significance of changes in style, form, and function.
The analysis of trade goods, however, is not the only stumbling block.
The techniques of archeology alone are simply too gross to answer,
with any degree of certainty, the questions raised at Crow Village.
For example, we would like to know how long goods of Russian origin
were used at the site prior to the introduction of American-made
artifacts. It would be helpful also to know more about the effect
of American and Russian forms on each other as well as on the aborigi-
nal manufactures. We contend that the present techniques of archeo-
logical excavation and analysis cannot provide satisfactory answers to
these questions but that the combined approach produces a clearer
picture than using either method alone.
An illustrative parallel to this situation and to the problem it
presents can be found in present-day North American culture. As-
sume that we have visited an old farm in rural Ontario, one that has
been occupied continually for the past 85 years. While walking
around the farmyard, we note equipment belonging to various periods
of the farm’s occupancy. In the barn is a new tractor; behind the
barn is an old model tractor. In the driveway is the farmer’s new
pickup truck, and in a field lie the remains of a model T Ford truck,
and an even older wagon. In unused sections of the house and in out-
buildings lie various pieces of obsolete farm equipment, a milking
stool, butter churn, and so on, while in the barn are a milking machine
and other up-to-date farm equipment. In attempting to reconstruct
life on the farm during the total period of occupancy, we can, of
oO 1t d
Sera end CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 103
course, be sure that the wagon was used before the pickup truck and
the milking stool before the milking machine. We cannot, however,
say anything detailed about the rate of change on our Ontario farm,
nor about the nature of change, unless we talk to the farmer, and
then only if his memory or some other source of information extends
back to the establishment of the farm. Only by talking to the farmer
can we find answers to such questions as which new items of farm
equipment were obtained first, what the factors in the selection process
were, and how long the older items were used before they were re-
placed. Likewise, it is only from the farmer, or from detailed histori-
cal data on changing farm equipment and practices, that we may
determine which equipment persisted unchanged the longest in the
face of innovations and which old ideas were given up most quickly.
It is obviously the farmer who can best speak of the intensity with
which he was exposed to different types of equipment and the various
factors which affected his ability and desire to acquire them.
The similarities between the hypothetical farm and the Crow
Village site are apparent. In both cases we are dealing with a brief
span of time which was one of intensive change. The field techniques
of archeology would not be very useful in reconstructing change on the
Ontario farm, and they are not much more useful at Crow Village.
They serve to uncover the material, but beyond that they answer few
of the questions with which we are concerned. It would appear that
one potential for arriving at more meaningful statements about re-
mains such as have been recovered at Crow Village is by a statistical
analysis of the finds. This has not been attempted since our inter-
pretive poverty was not revealed until after an analysis of the materials
by traditional means. In the near future excavations will be con-
ducted at Kolmakov Redoubt and at Kwigiumpainukamiut, which
are contemporaneous with Crow Village, and these will supply a range
of Russian and Indian materials from the central Kuskokwim River
for one period in time. We are not so pessimistic about the potential
of field archeology that we are unwilling to turn to the shovel before
turning to the computer.
Another dilemma of equally as great moment to archeologists was
overwhelmingly apparent after the Crow Village excavations—it
concerns the absences or infrequent occurrences of objects belonging
to the indigenous culture. The absence of fishbones and the scarcity
of animal bones has been discussed and may be understood in terms
of statements by informants. Additionally, there are the absences of
certain artifact complexes. Informants and Zagoskin clearly emphasize
the importance of fishing as a major subsistence pursuit, so that there
is no reason to doubt the focus on fishing. According to these sources,
in early historic times various forms of nets and fishtraps were the
104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
most important devices employed. Among the artifacts from Crow
Village were items associated with fishing but not in the frequencies
which were anticipated. Only one artifact of morganic material,
a stone net sinker, was found, while netting objects of organic materials
included a piece of twisted grass net, numerous wooden and bark
net floats, a shuttle, and gages. Considering the extensive nature of
the excavation and the excellent conditions for preservation, we
expected to find more evidence of netting. If we had had only the
artifacts upon which to rely in our total reconstruction, we would have
remarked that the people were adjusted poorly to their riverine en-
vironment since they did not fish intensively. We were saved from
grossly underestimating the importance of netting only by informants
and historical records. Another instance of the same nature at Crow
Village was the complete absence of evidence for fishtraps, and yet
we know that traps were extremely important in the fishing activities
of the people. The traps probably were set away from the village,
and an old trap would not be brought back to the site. We might,
however, have expected evidence for their manufacture. To carry
this interpretive problem a step further, we might consider what the
situation would have been for Crow Village if we had recovered only
artifacts of an inorganic nature. The netting complex would have
been represented by a single stone net sinker. In this instance surely
we would have stated that netting was very unimportant, or more
likely questioned whether this particular artifact really was a net
sinker. Archeologists are, of course, aware of this interpretive prob-
lem, and it is only by turning to ethnographic analogy and by knowing
the environmental setting intimately that broadly drawn conclusions
are possible.
The factors of scarcity and absence could and would be offset
partially by the excavation of additional sites in the same area and
at the same time period. However, if another village site similar to
Crow Village were excavated, we would rather expect much the same
range of material in the proportions found there. This would not
be likely to add greater interpretive dimensions. ‘Temporary camp-
sites, assuming these could be located, might contain a different
configuration of artifacts and offer a better balanced view of the
culture. Another method of providing a broader perspective of a
site such as Crow Village would be by the use of more rigid ethno-
graphic controls. An analysis of riverine ecologies and assemblages
around the world, those at the same level of sociocultural complexity,
would be a great aid in the interpretation of these archeological
remains. It might well be that the conclusions which would be drawn
from such an analysis would provide essentially the same kinds of
information that are derived intuitively at present. However, con-
ee ator CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 105
firmation of intuition or the rejection of it would be a step toward
a more rigorous methodology and hopefully toward more valid
interpretations.
One of the most frequent concluding remarks in any site report is
that more work is necessary. The archeologist is aware of the severe
limitations of his methodology, and often he attempts to validate
conclusions by multiplying the examples. By contrast most ethnog-
raphers are not so much troubled by incomplete fieldwork. The
typical ethnographer enters the field with a general focal point of
interest or a particular series of postulates he plans to test. It
seems, judging from most ethnographic monographs, that the eth-
nographer rarely fails in his task, and if shortcomings in his fieldwork
do exist, they are not easily observable. The ethnographer succeeds
where the archeologist fails, because the ethnographer stresses his
strengths and ignores or glosses over his conflicts and omissions. An
artifact on a laboratory table cannot be forgotten as easily as a
dubious ethnographic fact. Quantitative ethnography today does
not suffer as obviously from this failing, but neither is it yet an
important field approach.
In retrospect it is unfortunate that when collecting ethnographic
information in the central Kuskokwim region Oswalt did not seek cer-
tain specifics concerning the time of contact. The sessions with in-
formants were structured in a manner which brought forth responses
of a traditional ethnographic nature. It was necessary and desirable
to obtain this kind of information, but another dimension was not ex-
plored. There was no systematic questioning about the specifics of
material changes stemming from the contact situtation, changes which
in all likelihood could have been recalled more readily than facts con-
cerning the aboriginal past. It would have been valuable to learn
which trade goods were preferred, what forms of tin cans first were
obtained, what the cans contained, and so on. Having the specifics
of recent material changes at hand would have made the interpreta-
tions of the Crow Village data much simpler, particularly since inven-
tories of trade goods sent to the Kuskokwim during the American
period from 1867 to about 1900 no longer exist.
In the preceding descriptions and discussions, detailed comparisons
with other Eskimo sites have been avoided. The reason for this ap-
proach stems from the scarcity of comparative archeological material.
It is important, however, to discuss the only other systematic riverine
archeology among Eskimos of Alaska, the Kobuk River excavations
by James L. Giddings.
During the 1940’s a series of sites along the Kobuk River and on
adjacent Kotzebue Sound in northwestern Alaska were located and
excavated. These excavations provide greater continuity between
106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
the prehistoric past and the late prehistoric period than is recorded
anywhere else in the American Arctic, with the sites ranging in time
from A.D. 1250 to 1760. On the basis of these recoveries Giddings
formulated and described the Arctic Woodland Culture. According
to Giddings (1952, p. 115), this cultural manifestation, which includes
the present Eskimoan-speaking population of the Kobuk River
drainage, is characterized:
. .. by a remarkable adaptation to an environment which includes clear
streams, rugged mountains, forests, and a bay of the sea. It is a culture that
draws freel'y upon all of the natural resources of these surroundings, and yet re-
tains a core of basic traits in which may be demonstrated more than 700 years of
continuity and stability. River fishing is hardly second to caribou hunting as a
means of livelihood, and both of these stand well ahead of harbor sealing as bases
of economy. Exchange of the resources of these endeavors as well as materials
such as the furs, tree barks and root fibers, and mineral substances, helps to mini-
mize the special effects of local environment and makes possible the enrichment
of the life of the individual without his having to move continually from one
environment to another.
Giddings further points out that because of unusual environmental
relationships, the Arctic Woodland Culture can exist only where forests
approach the sea. Neither inland nor coastal adaptations and special-
izations are required because of the variety of subsistence patterns
available to the inhabitants of the Kokuk River drainage. Food
products both of the coast and the interior protect the Eskimos against
extreme seasonal scarcity and give their way of life a stability that is
unknown among more typically interior peoples like the Northern
Athapaskans (ibid., pp. 115-116).
Giddings (1952, p. 118) has stated that the Arctic Woodland Culture
is a response to a particular set of environmental conditions, the river-
forest-sea combination, and should appear wherever these conditions
exist. In interpreting this idea, Margaret Lantis (1954, p. 54) re-
gards Giddings’ hypothesis as crude environmental determinism and
rejects it. To apply the Arctic Woodland Culture concept to a dis-
cussion of the Kuskokwim River system where the forest does not
reach the sea is to acknowledge that the concept could not fit in its
entirety. At the same time there are certain notable characteristics
common to the Kobuk and the Kuskokwim River systems. Both are
western Alaskan rivers occupied by Eskimos who live in a boreal set-
ting. The Crow Village and Kobuk River sites partially share a diver-
sity in economies with an emphasis on fishing; they both had ties with
the coast; and each of these Eskimo peoples had contact with Atha-
paskan Indians. The most important differences were that the Kobuk
people may have placed more emphasis on caribou hunting and prob-
ably maintained closer ties with coastal Eskimos, while the Crow
Slee ata CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 107
Village people no doubt had closer ties with the Indians and greater
economic stability because of the abundance of salmon.
The 11 diagnostic trait complexes and activities employed by Gid-
dings (1952, p. 116) in defining the Arctic Woodland Culture are
summarized and listed in table 8. Added to the list are the traits
mentioned in the Kobuk River ethnography compiled by Giddings
(1961), and the presence or absence of these characteristics on the cen-
tral Kuskokwim as represented by the Crow Village finds and inform-
ants’ statements. It is necessary to comment on the nature of the
combination of characteristics which have been used to define the
Arctic Woodland Culture. Of the 46 characteristics we may eliminate
1 (the underground cache) which occurs twice in the listing and deal
only with 45. Since these categories are not at the same conceptual
levels, comparisons are difficult. For example, Giddings considered
that the extensive use of birch, spruce, and willow as utensils and im-
plements was important, but such a category offers little for compar-
ison. Furthermore, archeological evidence for birchbark or spruce-
bark canoes, as well as stone boiling in baskets and roasting, is not
likely to form useful comparative categories, but then neither were they
derived from archeology. Likewise skillful flintworking has an amor-
phous quality, while the use of a jadeite clearly is of restricted value
because of its geographical limitation to the Kobuk. The hard-fired
pottery category with textile impressions on the inside and with cur-
vilinear impressions on the outside of a vessel does not occur through-
out the series of Kobuk River sites. By eliminating uncomparable
categories, localized ones, and a seemingly redundant category, the
list is much reduced and the Arctic Woodland Culture loses some of
its comparative value.
A comparison of Arctic Woodland Culture characteristics with the
Crow Village finds reveals 20 shared characteristics, to which may be
added 4 others on the basis of informants’ statements. Thus about
half are found on the central Kuskokwim in early historic times.
On the basis of this comparison the central Kuskokwim Eskimos would
not be considered as belonging to the Arctic Woodland Culture in
spite of the fact that they occupy the general setting for which this
culture was defined. The biggest difference would seem to be that the
Kuskokwim people did not have the intensity of coastal contacts found
on the Kobuk. However, in Giddings’ Kobuk ethnography he states
that these contacts were largely in the nature of trade (Giddings,
1961, pp. 9, 128, 1389, 147).
Margaret Lantis (1954, p. 55) in one of the most perceptive studies
of Eskimo ecology ever written makes a specific comment about the
Kobuk and Kuskokwim Eskimos.
108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
TaBLE 3.—Arctic Woodland Culture features compared with the Kobuk Eskimo and
central Kuskokwim Eskimo ethnography
Kuskokwim ethnog-
Kobuk raphy
Arctic Woodland Culture ethnog-
raphy
Crow |Informants
Village
1. Four-post center house......._____-_--_
Centralnrepit@-ne 222 eee see tee
Hntrance jpassagesigl ares. Mees
Underground caches.) 224 soi vy fae a
2, ixtensive use. Of jantlerz.\s 52 Cae. Nee ge ee ee |
See HISheas PEIN Cip al OOH seek met eeene gL ente
Ue Of 7 ihe 3) eae fe pepe lage PU Lee hate Saale “es
XK XX
XK XX
Three prong fish spear.__._--.-_---
BS aro Welk: Sees Ses Nee ae eh OE
Straight shank hook
SAYS bevel @ Kees eee eee eee <
ish-shaped dure Sool aus 2 ibs teeny <
x
x
x
Barkworkings & noe! Sees te ee <
Niet Gin ee re ee a en Ke ey OX en
(Roob limesue? Sule eee IG ASE <
(Uitensils ipa SPS wea Sd ?
iimplemMenmtsss ae oe ee eae ee ty
S Mbirchibarkqboats ese ss Se Se ae hee ae <
Sprucebark boatack cece = ee ae ee ae ><
IBIFChy AT AME SNOWSNOCL a os eae ee nee |e eee eee x
6. Stone boiling in baskets__..........-_- xX. geese eee
Roasting foods. == 250 256 es kee > SE ene ee x
x
We (Beaver LOO LMM Teles ss =! aka area eo eeeeee
Stone pick. goad) eesn bot ep es. Senge obO, dba ley oho ee
DOPtiGtONG;AX= = oc casei ee ee ee a
Dplitiime 7 seer eee Seem eae x NSS Se
8.eSkillful-flintworkings. 2254-22 t Ses | beeen a eee eee
9; Skinworkine;methode= 2. <sa822- 52 ote e coe |e oe
ARCISG One eee aa Se ee wee ee | A een x
Powdered white limestone______._-].--------- 2 bint
10. pPotiery, hbardsfired 2 G202. 2 8 nek ee cel a ee
Textile impressed outsides .27 4 -cus|lo fo aa ae ee eee
Curvilinear impressed outside. U2. 2 s)e.l 22/0. |- beet ek apa eee
Di. Wse.ofs aceite ss 2705 et pk ey eee a SK
DGGE BA Wrst. wl bot eerie ts Rate Se nem ae Sf
Returning to the Kobuk for an example: In the fact that Eskimos spending
most or all of the year up the river used birchbark and lived chiefly on fish, there
is nothing remarkable. Other Eskimos with the same house design, kayak,
umiak, bird-spears, fish-spears, etc. who lived along the lower Kuskokwim River
used grass, willows, and driftwood (instead of birchbark) and lived principally
Con ey CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 109
on fish; and there is nothing remarkable in that, either. The noteworthy trait
of both groups is their adaptability while managing to preserve the basic forms
of their Eskimo culture. One cannot say that any ethnic group coming into the
area will behave the same.
In addition, the following remarks are offered about the attempts to
define Eskimo culture (Lantis, 1954, p. 55).
Eskimo culture produces a paradox. Nearly every student of it in Alaska has
classified and explained Eskimo culture in terms of one element or one small
complex. Collins emphasized harpoon-heads for sea-mammal hunting. Larsen
and Rainey emphasized flint-chipping and inland hunting. Now Giddings
emphasizes fishing and use of birch, spruce, and willow. Yet the traits that
characterize Eskimos and their culture, as William Laughlin has pointed out
recently in an astute article, are their versatility, individuation of gear, experi-
mentation, and resulting wide range of variation.
Taking caution from Lantis and questioning the usefulness of the
Arctic Woodland Culture as a configuration, we are unwilling to set
forth a “culture” based on the experience gained from the Kuskokwim
study. Still, riverine Eskimo cultures at the time of historic contact
were in many ways distinct from their coastal neighbors. We recog-
nize and stress continuities with the coast but cannot ignore what
seem to be significant differences. Perhaps it might be useful to
conceive of a configuration of Alaskan riverine Eskimo characteristics.
The traits would include diverse fishing techniques for taking salmon
and whitefish in particular. We would stress the species taken rather
than the particular devices for catching them. The use of trees,
whether birch, spruce, cottonwood, alders, or willows, is important,
but the specific variations in the wooden manufactures are not.
(Perhaps this was Giddings’ point for his categories of implements
and utensils.) The relative stability of physical settlement is a func-
tion of the productivity of the environment and clearly a characteristic
of note. There is also the trade with coastal Eskimos in which there is
the exchange of forest-riverine products for those of the seacoast.
The sociocultural impact of the Athapaskan Indians may not be ignored
nor should it be minimized. It should be stressed also that like most
Eskimos these people maintained a flexibility in their subsistence
pursuits. They exploited land mammals as well as fish, but their
economic stability came from fishing.
LITERATURE CITED
AcKERMAN, R. E.
1965. Archaeological survey. Glacier Bay National Monument, south-
eastern Alaska, Pt. I]. Washington State Univ., Lab. Anthrop.,
Rep. Inves. No. 36. Pullman.
ANDERSON, Eva G.
1940. Dog-team doctor; the story of Dr. Romig. Caldwell, Idaho
110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
Baker, MARrcus.
1906. Geographic dictionary of Alaska. U.S. Geol. Surv. Bull. 299. [ist ed.,
Bull. 187, 1902.]
BarsBer, E. A.
1893. The pottery and porcelain of the United States. London.
Barsukov, I., Epiror.
1886-88. Tvorenifa Innoekentifa, Mitropolita Moskovskago. [3 vols. in 2.]
Moscow.
1897-1901. Pisma Innokentifaé Mitropolita Moskovskago kolomenskago
1828-1878. 3 vols. St. Petersburg.
BELANGER, H. N.
1963. This firm has “‘spiced’”’ Seattle scene since 1888. Jn ‘Seattle Times
Sunday Pictorial Magazine,’”’ September 22, 1963.
BEMROSE, GEOFFREY.
1952. Nineteenth century English pottery and porcelain. London.
BuackeEr, J. F.
n.d. The A B C of English ceramic art (nineteenth century). Toronto.
Bowman, Hank W.
1958. Famous guns from the Winchester collection. Greenwich, Conn.
Cox, WARREN E.
1946. The book of pottery and porcelain. 2 vols. New York.
Dr Lacuna, See LAGUNA, FREDERICA DE.
Documents RELATIVE TO THE History or ALASKA.
. Alaska history research project, 1936-38. Univ. Alaska Library
and the Library of Congress.
DurFiELD, L. F., and Jevxs, E. B.
1961. The Pearson site. Univ. Texas, Dept. Anthrop., Archaeol. Ser. No. 4.
FontTaANA, BERNARD L.; GREENLEAF, J. CAMERON; ET AL.
1962. Johnny Ward’s ranch. The Kiva, vol. 28, Nos. 1-2.
Gippinas, J. L.
1952. The Arctic Woodland culture of the Kobuk River. Univ. Pennsyl-
vania, Mus. Monogr.
1961. Kobuk River people. Univ. Alaska, Stud. Northern Peoples, No. 1.
Hammericu, Louis L.
1958. The western Eskimo dialects. Proc. 32d Inter. Cong. Americanists,
pp. 632-639.
Heizer, Ropert F.
1956. Archaeology of the Uyak site, Kodiak Island, Alaska. Univ. Cali-
fornia, Anthrop. Ree., vol. 17, No. 1. Berkeley, Calif.
Herricr, R.
1957. A report on the Ada site, Kent County, Michigan. Michigan
Archaeol., vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 1-27.
Hostey, Epwarp H.
1961. The McGrath Ingalik. Univ. Alaska, Anthrop. Pap., vol. 9, No. 2,
pp. 93-118.
Hovueu, WALTER.
1898. The lamp of the Eskimo. Ann. Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. for 1896,
pp. 1025-1057.
HrouéKa, ALES.
1943. Alaska diary. Lancaster, Pa.
Hunt, C. .B.
1959. Dating of mining camps with tin cans and bottles. Geo. Times, vol. 3,
No. 8, pp. 8-10 and 34.
O It d
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 111
Karr, CHarues L., and Karr, Carrouu R.
1951. Remington handguns. [2d edition.] Harrisburg, Pa.
Kitsuck, J. H.
1913. Report on the work of the Bureau of Education for the natives of
Alaska, 1911-1912. U.S. Bur. Educ., Bull. 36, pp. 19-22.
LaGuNaA, FREDERICA DE.
1934. The archaeology of Cook Inlet, Alaska. Univ. Pennsylvania Mus.
Philadelphia.
1947. The prehistory of northern North America as seen from the Yukon.
Soc. American Archeol., Mem. No. 3.
1956. Chugach prehistory: the archaeology of Prince William Sound, Alaska.
Univ. Washington, Publ. Anthrop., vol. 13.
Laguna, FREDERICA DE, ET AL.
1964. Archeology of the Yakutat Bay area, Alaska. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.
Bull. 192.
LAntis, MARGARET.
1954. Research on human ecology of the American arctic. Arctic Inst.
North America. [Mimeographed.]
Manpprev, A. G.
1915. Gold placers of the lower Kuskokwim, with a note on copper in the
Russian Mountains. U.S. Geol. Surv. Bull. 262, pp. 292-360.
Netson, Epwarp W.
1882. A sledge journey in the delta of the Yukon, northern Alaska, Royal
Geogr. Soc. Proceed., n.s., vol. 6, pp. 660-670.
1899. The Eskimo about Bering Strait. 18th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.
for 1896-97, pt. 1, pp. 3-518.
OrcHARD, WILLIAM C,
1929. Beads and beadwork of the American Indians. Mus. Amer, Indian,
Contr. vol. 11. Heye Foundation. New York.
OrmsBEE, T. H.
1959. English china and its mark. Great Neck, N.Y.
OswaLt, WENDELL H,
1952. The archaeology of Hooper Bay Village, Alaska. Univ. Alaska,
Anthrop. Pap., vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 47-91.
1953. The saucer-shaped Eskimo lamp. Univ. Alaska, Anthrop. Pap., vol.
1, No. 2, pp. 15-23.
1955. Alaskan pottery; a classification and historical reconstruction. Amer.
Antiq., vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 32-48.
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6, No. 1, pp. 16-36.
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Petrorr, I.
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1893. Report of population and resources of Alaska at the 11th census:
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222-189—67——8
112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
RAINEY, FROELICH G.
1939. Archaeology in central Alaska. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthrop.
Pap., No. 36, Pt. 4, pp. 351-405.
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1901, The mission in Alaska, extracts from the report of the Bethel Mission,
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RvussE.u, C. P.
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1959. Pottery through the ages. London.
ScHWALBE, ANNA B.
1951. Dayspring on the Kuskokwim; the story of Moravian missions in
Alaska. Bethlehem, Pa.
SERVEN, JAMES E.
1960. Colt firearms, 1836-1960. Santa Ana, Calif.
SincER, CHARLES, EpIror.
1958. A history of technology. Oxford.
SmirH, CARLYLE 8.
1960. Cartridges and bullets from Fort Stevenson, North Dakota. Jn Bur.
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pp. 232-238.
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1947. Handbook of old pottery & porcelain marks. New York.
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1861-63. Historical review of the organization of the Russian American
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WEINLAND COLLECTION.
. The William Henry Weinland collection of manuscripts, letters,
and diaries. Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif.
Wiuutamson, Haroup F.
1952. Winchester, the gun that won the West. Washington, D.C.
Woopwaprp, A. L.
1959. Indian trade goods. Oregon Archaeol. Soc., Screenings, vol. 8, No.3.
1960. Indian trade goods. Oregon Archaeol. Soc., Screenings, vol. 9, No. 3.
Zacosxkin, L. A.
1956. Puteshestvifa i issledovanifa leltenanta Lavrentifa Zagoskina v russkoi
Amerike v 1842-1844 gg. Moscow.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE 1
Chipped and ground stone tools. a, End scraper of sandy schist. b, Unhafted chert end
scraper. c, Semifinished end blade. d, Basaltic end scraper. ¢, Unhafted side scraper.
f, Arrow point of blue chert. g, Ulu blade blank, possibly cut with stone saw. 4h, Blue
chert end scraper. i, Worked quartz, possibly hafted snub-nosed scraper. 7, Basaltic
hammerstone. , Unfinished end blade. /, Whetstone, possibly used as needle sharp-
ener. m, Whetstone. m, Boulder chip scraper. o-r, Whetstones.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE 2
Chipped and ground stone tools. a, Planing adz blade. 6, Tapered adz blade. c, Tapered
end-hafted skin scraper blade. d, Double bladed skin scraper. e, Symmetrically tanged
slate ulu blade. f, Irregularly tanged slate ulu blade. g, h, Slate end blade fragments,
7, Ulu blade without tang. j, Basaltic grinding stone. &, Adz blade fragment. /, Ulu
blade with rounded proximal end. m, Stone saw. mn, Sandstone bullet mold. 0, Stone
lamp fragment. , End hafted skin scraper blade.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE 3
Wooden artifacts. a, f, Snare parts. b, h, Blunt arrowheads. c, Cartridge case blunt
arrowhead. d, nu, Toy leister prongs. ¢, Spruce bow fragment. g, Toy lance. 1, 7,
Strap drill handle. h, 0, Mesh gage. /, Toy center prong. m, Bird spear fragment.
p, Mesh gage with spruce root wrapping.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE 4
Wooden artifacts. a, h, Fire drill shaft. b, Cottonwood maul. c, 7, Scraper handle.
d, Engraving tool handle. ¢,7,Uluhandle. f, Beaver tooth drawknife handle. g, Wedge.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE 5
tS
Wooden artifacts. a, Vessel side. b, Vessel side with root lashings. c, Vessel bottom,
line-decorated in red paint. d,f, Ladles. e¢, Poke stopper. g, Sprucewood shallow bowl.
h, Bucket (?) handle.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE 6
Wooden artifacts. a, Bark peeler (?). 6, Cottonwood snowshoe frame section.
tion of single bladed paddle. d, Medial labret (?). ¢, Carved human face.
rib. fh, Wooden peg. 1, Lateral labret. 7, Egg-shaped object, toy (?).
Cy SeC=
g, Kayak
k, Stylized
bird, mask appendage (?). /, Sprucewood sled stanchion. m, Kayak manhole ring side
support.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE 7
Wooden artifacts. a, b, Flip darts. c, Toy dish. d, Toy pistol. e, Checker (gaming
piece). f, Carved bird (loon?). g, Wooden snuffbox. h, Oblong box lid or bottom.
1, Portion of snuff, tobacco, or fungus box. j-/, Storyknives. m, Doll leg. mn, ‘Target
dart with nail insert. 0, Toy bow.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE 8
Wooden artifacts. a, Carved caribou. 6, Carved animal head. c, Flower carving.
d, Carved bear. e, Wooden spinning top. f, Carved mink. g, Carved ermine. h,
Carved caribou. 7, /, Mask appendages, boat model and wand. 7, Carved “‘serpent.”
k, Toy salmon dart head. m, Drum handle. n, Fish carving with suspension groove.
o, Mask appendage, stylized animal head.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE 9
Wooden artifacts. a, Animal carving. 6, Carving of human. c, False nose (?). d, Frag-
ment of mask with human hair.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE 10
gt
—
a
nae
ets ied
aa A ils eee
nt
n
Bone, antler, and ivory artifacts, and locally made pottery. a, Bone net sinker. b, d, Rim
sherd, Yukon Line-Dot. c, Body sherd, Yukon Line-Dot. e, Antler arrowhead (knife
blade 7). f, Antler side bladed knife handle. g, Antler kayak shoe fragment. h, Bone
awl. i, Bone implement (awl, bark peeler ?). 7, Grooved lamp sherd. &, Antler ulu
handle. 7, Antler awl. m, Bear tooth pendant. m», Lamp fragment. 0, p, Lamp sherds.
qg, Whalebone ramrod fragment.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE 11
Bark, wood, and plant fiber artifacts or raw material. a, b, c, ¢, Birchbark basket frag-
ments. d, Root-lashed wood fragment. f, Plaited grass rope. g, Woven grass section.
h, Bundle of roots. 1, Grass netting. 7, Wood handle with spruce root wrapping.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE 12
Metal, glass, and pottery artifacts. a, Iron salmon dart head. b, Skin scraper blade.
c, Dish. d, Pothook. e, End bladed knife blade. f, Awl. g, Glass scraper. h, Saw
blade. 7, Scoop (?). 7, Metal reinforcement piece. &, Ferrule. /, Leather patches or
reinforcement pieces. m, Ironstone china labret. 7, Ulu blade.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEEGINGISS PEATE 13
Imported pottery and glass bottles. a, Transfer print sherd, willow pattern. b, Hand-
painted ware sherd. c, Patent medicine bottle. d, Bottle of bluish glass. ¢, Bottle
with tapered neck.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 199 PLATE
4
Metal artifacts. a, Bayonet fragment. b, Cast iron planing adz blade. c, Cast iron
wedge. d, Iron spike (used as a chisel ?). ¢, Brass spike used as a chisel. f, Teaspoon.
g, Ax head. h-j, Square cut nails—2d, 3d, and 5d pennyweights. k, Unidentified.
1, Kettle lid. m, g, Buckles. n, Copper pendant. o, Copper bracelet. >, Strike-a-
light. +r, Copper hinge.
BUREAU
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 199 PLATE 15
Wooden mask representing a fox.
BULLETIN 199 PLATE 16
ETHNOLOGY
BUREAU OF AMERICAN
‘o0¥y ueUINy] ‘4
SSuT
AI®€9 U Ipoo NM
“Seu UBUIN;T 7)
Ls a ee
APPENDIX
lt da
feralizae CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 115
AppENDIX TABLE 1.—Crow Village trait list with locally manufactured items in the
sequence of the text descriptions
LOCATION
ITEM House Middens
Chipped Stone:
Hammerstone:
Basalt, flattened at one end___--|___-|---- Diya te eh ash. =
Shaped to fit the hand, used on
flat sunkice!so2 22 sa stoe 5 US (eared (teen ESE] Shee S225
Little chipping except on work-
bole Nis i: (te a a ee ea (epee aes eee [anes Ll So eS
Carefully chipped over most
Smmeesr(oi ls gobs ok Slee eee 1 Ay eee || ee oe
Arrow. pom; chert (pl. 1,\f)<i.~--|snc4 Sac ene Saree eee 1 Lg (Ee
Pund- blade blank-(pli -L,-¢, k)2=l-2.~|Jase eel |e Le ee A en
Ulu blade blank, convex cutting
edge, no tang ‘(pl. 1 Gees) VE Ea Sy S| Pare | Ms aie ogee a ee ay |e Ly eee |
Binge or scraper blank 22-2225. a\cc ues 2 Lb foccaly Oyiae 1
Net sinker, notched basalt pebble--|_--_|---- 1a ee) ee ee es
Boulder chip scraper:
Roughly flaked beach pebble_ ---|_-~- 1 1 fe ero | Le
nae from large boulder (pl. 1,
Side s scraper:
Chert, carefully prepared work-
ing edge-(pli alive) eee aa eel Se EL So et es i
Chert, crude retouched flake_____|____ 1 4 Ne. & 7 See es (eee
Quartz, steep working edge
(pl. 1) ¢) =< 4 [2 eeees ess eed ewe Sse 1 i eee Rereeee UU 3, ay |e
End scraper blade:
cae steep working edge (pl.
1, h)
Basalt (of Capel be er) ice ts 2 SS | EM Wee eae Sy a (a eek Sir] fa ee
Sandy schist (pk tl; '@) 2 a2 ote eee ose ee 1
Chert, one end shaped as a
gouge: (pled, bee oo 45S 2a |e ee ee ee en 1
Chipped fragment-- "~~ << <s-2.-2|2-2s]<=<5 1 1 1 || sea ee
Ground Stone:
Whetstone:
Type 1 (pl. 1, t9,0)sstess sled 2 1}. 12 AB Se Zr St se ae
2 cade 1, Dif l)ie nabs ee show! (SOT SPhe 2 he a) ed OS ||
= S(pl Ci) as eee eon ae | Pe ee a) 2 2 (anes
Grinding ae iol. 7s) Ee eee pee YS PR RE de
End! blade ‘(pls 2, g5h) 2. 2ss2cb = 2ELOUO ZU Soci Tl 57 4) | Seta as
Ulu blade:
fang symmetrical’ (plii2,e)o-=-|-22|Ses-je-=- cig ees, eared te
Lang irregular (pl. -2,-f)2222-20s-|2-=+| 252% NS Pees Pe ee eee | es ee
Tang rounded. (pl. -2,-)) == -=2-~s~|2--u|sss=|e- <= 1 al a eS
Wortang” Gils i2% a)jbsbijesssttend eee ead Oe AOL Sah oan 1 eee
BPragmients= 2225 heed ses ete tea 6| 3 1 in| Sats |B
End hafted skin scraper:
Straight sides, (pli 2, pps. 2. 2 s}e Sie s nl ees es | Sa ba |e 8 ee ee
Tapered sides: (pl. 2, .c) <===---2-]--~~]==42 hs [ee | aS 8 BE SA Sn eee
Double edge (pl. 2, ‘d) Eee eee eee vated (Sees ip h] SA Se hee eee Ue
Scraper blade fragment ee Se IR ae PN SE area PS a ee lente Se
222-189—67——9
a
116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
AppenpIx TABLE 1.—Crow Village trait list with locally manufactured items in the
sequence of the iext descriptions—Continued
nm aErEaETITET (RaenanEanESnnnEnnn ETE EERE
LOCATION
ITEM House Middens
and test
1 7 3
Ground Stone—Continued
Stone saw fragment (pl. 2, m)_----|----|----
Splitting adz fragment (pl. 2, k)---|----|----|----
Planing adz:
Type 1 (pl. 2, @)=2+-4--4---2 p= 4) -|- ---
18 io) S10) ea Se ee elle a
Pain Monat ase ees eee oe
Stome Gis nees sages ater eee ee
Lamp fragment:
Cridely chipped: 2222) Bo ioe S| Pe ele
Flat rim, shallow bowl (pl. 2, 0) -|----|----|----|---=|=---
Bullet mola half(ply 2, 7) 2222.22 a - eeeee
Wood:
Fishing:
Mesh gage (pl. 3, ko, p)-------|-=#=|2-=- 1
IN(GIh THO ae oe SLE eee ee Pe eee eS ollecee
Netshutile.- #23262 ee ee eee oo
Fishing rod_-..----------21=--4|--2-|E4-s|2<se/! =
Land hunting:
Blunt arrowhead:
Multifaceted tip (pl. (8, #)L---4)--4elae Ueieeael se See eee ee
Plat across the tip (pl..3, b) = 24\-2 =). -S2|22 Sol eee ae
Empty cartridge case over tip
(pl.i3, CL 2--42--42---82=-4]---- |e aa sear ee ee
Bowitrapmient (pls dpe) o = ee lal
Bird spear shaft fragment (pl.
Tools:
Wedge (pl..4; 9)_2-------~+-=-3|====|--=- 6
Wsed as firedrillboard] 2222-2 4|5-—4|—se4| == See eee
Beaver tooth drawknife handle
(pl. 4, f)---4--+-1----------=|----|----|----|--=-}-=5+
Engraving tool handle:
Notched for blade with lashing
lip (pl. 4) Bot ee Bok eae eee eas le oe
Split base and lashing grooves-|- ---|----|----|----|----
Ulu handle:
Curved blade sliti@pli:4;e) 22 = |---| =| Se A es
Straight blade slit, hole for
grip (pl./4, 2)4---4-=-—-22-24)-6--)----|---=|--- a)
Scraper handle:
Straight (oL..4, ¢)2. 22.) 2--4|----|_- oh - Soe alee
Curved: (pl. 4) Joo aoe | |e eee
Adz handle, cottonwood _~---_----}----|---- 1
Rine viril shaite(ply 4a) = 2282 alo a ee
Drill shaft (pl. 4, #)-2222-2224)---=|---=|aeerieae ees
Drill strap handle:
Hole in center (pl 3,4). 2--—4|-...-|_- -- 2 | ee ieee eee
Grooved center!(pl.. 3; 7))—--s|=-=<1==-< 1
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 17
ApPENDIX TaBLE 1.—Crow Village trait list with locally manufactured items in the
sequence of the text descriptions—Continued
LOCATION
ITEM House Middens
1 2 3 4 5 if 2 3
Wood—Continued
Tools—Continued
Maul:
Cottonwood s(pli4. bass Bee sae 1 1 ia es = ee
Paddle shaped= ft 28o2-6 fee Es ee 8 hs Tey 1 = See eee
SM gee # Te SSG 2a ee ae ee See Pee aed 1s | teretigg? |
Household equipment:
Cutting board fragment_-..._...-|..-_|---- 2 wick Zelenae so rece Spee |
and leg (ple ose) ae ee se ot aks es |e 10; {ee ee
Ladle:
IDysejoy sro oon! (Goss GA eS eee ee ee ee il pe ese
Shallow oblong bowl (pl. 5, d)_|____]_-__|_---- 1 1 by [eee ed
‘hin bandlefragment! £2. 2 el Sl ee 7 oll eee
Poke mtonperipls ot 6) 2-2) ne es al fe, Se 1 ieee eee
Vessel bottom:
1 Eyes OVS a Rey Se es Se) ae | 5 ee ee | ee (eet ee 1 | Gee
Decoriteda(plyore) Sse Sees sie ee ee ee
Vessel side:
Grooved: (pl o),.@) 223 ehh a ge ey palate Cte cae a as
pHowing washings (pl.., .b)i 2. |b es kee bg ss
DUNG ae Pe ee RS SER Ss MR eS ieee | Hee (ee De Se te ee PA Re
Dish:
Shallow, wide, flat rim_......-|___- ) LE eae Wm pes SPY Oe ees a
Ohlone. rimless. 2 5-302 ob = es 1 1 eS. 2
Prazmengeet = 2-229 eo) i ee ele are _hep Eo es a ee
IBOWwsaplaios Ques= secant 228 Se ie 2 Oh = fe 9 1 | 2 ee
Benchisupporis-.. £22422. |e 22 peen | ae 3) eae | meee PE [ee
amps tari Ges ee Shs tt ek ills ee Ue OE PAN 8 em co) AI, Pe) [ce
Transportation:
Kayak:
Bow dreement. 1 2-282 -052-2|2.2_ [Bae | lation Tako fay:fesezabe Whee oa
Mashole ring sections...) 5 ee a ee Dijimealeses
Side support for manhole
mn ea) E GG 2970) ete Be ee a ees | | ee 1S) Sea (2 aes
Deckesip ports M4. = kee IE oe eee oil eee i aS 21S. =
dBS710 406 01 ON Th 7 3 eae ee em Se pen 1 | SR 1 Sa Diy 2 ee
Paddle:
Handlen(plsOy6) e242 ocho ee ee es 1H) el i eee
Ribbed blade fragment
a IAL in @ Te A DOS aS aa PS Sa |. A (Sap | em (eee 2 St © S| ee
Hint, bladesragment.5 242). |) |. =| | ae utYT Ee ee
Canoe or kayak sled crosspiece-_-|_.--|._--|----|----|----|---- 1g ee
Sled:
Stanchion) (pl6,4)) 2920 be 5 ae Ee ee a eee ca 2 A
Runnerfragmento i se. 2) 2 ih = 1 Ube depos eivetir (ER Ls 2
hrved vem eye ek Nl Ps DG) sere! |e peph [hea |e
poe sectione- 2 l-5 a 228. be. faye 1 i ay (ree Me CO a
Snowshoe frame section
(GliuG, bck Shoo ee ee lee ae i Gea res (eels eee
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
APPENDIX TABLE 1.—Crow Village trait list with locally manufactured items in
the sequence of the text descriptions—Continued
LOCATION
ITEM House Middens
1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3
Wood—Continued
Personal adornment:
Labret:
Tuaterale(pliGitz) 1-2 eA St | ee ay ee ee 33h (Bay |e
Mediali@olaGad) to eh Se he are es 1
Tobacco complex:
Semi poex ipl, 7, 9) ot ee OPE Nig 1
Snuff or tobacco box, lid and
bottom:
oth (poles 7icpre)) test see Rh rea (EL 1 Rene ee a Ug ae 6 2
Ovals (plus siete te eae cE ee Dek Beco ey ie 1 Di Nees
1
Games and toys:
HopE(pl Sine) ee aes Be a ee eee HEL fevhae BLES Ty 2
Checker (oleds 0) che Sa abel Ea il laee | eae Ah | 2
Bhiptdamte (pls 7, (d,0) --oe an |e 5 1 1 6
LE PS (01 ey 2a (eee Seer SME, BEN MOSER [Fem || A 1 1 1 | We es
1
Storyknife:
Straigin, mandle (pl. 751)).-.- 8 (bo eee ee 1
Anima) shape (pli7,.93 A) oc be ce osleeee! if tee) ay Ras ees
Bowiffagment,(pl..7,.0)-2 8) ee OL es 1 See a EES
Salmon danrtehesddl (ols i8a Js) sete oo he a ea ee | ee fe
Dishes (olet7 sic) eat onc ep eee (Pee il
Bucket bottom
Leister prong fragment
0) BBR aR 7 FRB (5) ee Feet MR ANNs Aap | ter | eee [memes | Peeee || LUI AY PEEL ie
Fish spear center prong frag-
TET 211 ot 6) Batts (Saas a BRU SRS Sp ieee Ne | oY PETS PEP gia) eo Pate i ES
haneediraament (pl 3: ig) 2.526 ees | eee eee eee ee ne 852 | Ue
Pistol a(pley aia) vit Te SU ee ee ee a Hy eee
Segmented doll section (pl. 7,
Ls Se 5 Mae Reis LOIN SIRE, SIE RO |, eh Ail Move. 3] Dogo CL gegen a
Animal carving:
Beare (pl: Salesian ee i eos ea 1 .| Gt. )2 ier eee ee
Mink Gol. 8) Qaod coches dec ell cecdiewalii aol. alleen ee tier
Carsbo ts: Glas, Jes tajetat aed bene Eg I Ta fs eR bE
“serpents? (ol8. 17) ee eee eae 2 1 Pee
Ermine: (pl i8.g) 4 2 ete en eee ete oe ne 1 es e=
Bird carving:
LoongGplay Woiskaeeke sae ee lao ee 1, 22) Ae es | oe eee
Animal head:
Caribou; unfinished _..\_..24..|1. vy ainaeim. Dees ieee DHE Eee @ 2 Pee
Ceremonial objects:
Memorial image:
Caribou carving, slot under
RO ys Oe eae a | i lel ee AE ee
Caribou carving, holes for
antlers and legs (pl.\8, @).-_|L-.-|__- se sae en tee eee a1) ae
Himoam. carving (lh Go Bc ade smell beer brcl [e tf Dik 2 ee
Animal: head ‘(pl 8; \b) 2220.) 22 Ins 24-2) ee eee 1 IB Fe
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 119
Apprenpix TaBLE 1.—Crow Village trait list with locally manufactured items in
the sequence of the text descriptions—Continued
LOCATION
ITEM House Middens
and test
Wood—Continued
Ceremonial objects—Continued
Mask:
Human stace- Gl. 16a )-— sash los slots it ee). Sp sit Foie PY
Human face, no eyeholes (pl.
NON) eee hee tae Sle Sloe it bes iees.
Hox (plo) ase eae ee a BIE aed Be dy) eee (| | ces Oe
Half a human face with hu-
ave ay VET Aah ol le M0) 5) em es ie a 4 ee ee Te eee eae ae Se
False human nose (pl. 9, c)-~--|----]---- I) Sse ee eee eo
na cmenite ese nae eee om |e ee eS S| ee a ae 7) | eee | ee
Mask appendage:
Wands (pli S$ 2) foci eee a Sab scene cfsoso|-—. 94 Pi) ES pine
BGAbD (pk Ost)eisa hee eee ee bles pp elma) pa 5-1) | aie 1 tepaet
Animal or bird head (pl. 8, 0)_-|_---|---- DS) ote | {|
Quter mingxofamask.iC))pee seas sles SIL eee Seek ela IE 9 5 Sell aes
Hishvcanvincey ole 8) 7) ene Sona sete Dy || ets es ers ee
Drumynhandle: (oli Ss Wm) se asa k |S LS Se Iie eo
Flower (?) carving (pl. 8, c)_---- 0 Gp) tee Ra) WR CP | es ah F'8
Miscellaneous and Unidentified:
Beep lrGweh seer U2 eee a asso alee peo deen toe 1 a (aa
insertedsin= wood fragment =55|525 5122-4 |-asaloee aso ae P75) 258 pe J cama
Unidentified objects (pl. 6, a, e,
2 Pi SGT ONG PRGA STS) persian CBee 3 1
EngimMenigetee ss te sce shl aos thet Sale 0b Ze 93H) MORI S -
Bone and Antler:
Net sinker:
An tlersidrilledsholess.) -) 42m — 6 | tee 2 abt (ops a LI past | 11H pple
Bane, motched-(pl: 10, ia) 2282 esos a es a ileal ece} 2) ieee
Ramrod, whalebone (pl. 10) Qn =Haoos TY | eee Sear) aie eye
Arrowhead, antler, open socket
(pl. 10, e) Se I ng A tt pS | nee a= he | Ps | RE 1
Wedge, mniicene is Sate Ao aM aL ee 3 Tq Io hos 2 | eae
Awl, bone:
Type tplewO shyasse' 2 ol eee 1 Sy ys pe Soe] =
Pe Meezt Cpls LO yd) Ledeen ERS ode aos Ps | le Bein WE | 5 Fey Wage
Spatulate shaped at one end
(p 1. 10, ey _ ate, EPA RSPRRES, Repeaae 1A ievionen) att Dele cee eee tt
10, b) es ek A Cage tlt ee a. eee ie 4 iene
Side bladed knife handle, antler
(pl IU a eee a Oe Pe areas LG Ee eee P 2 oe
Adz head, Sihler Wnanisned.!.. coeliac kd tnseolc ae Sinks oe 7 | a pach
Sled shoe, Guha boy GEN Ce Se LOT ee pe ee Ne | | | Tiel (le fe
Bow or stern shoe for kayak,
antlens@oleelO Mg) soot ce ES ae See |p as | isa d(C") (C8 com SiGe
Bear tooth Senda piensa) oS See NN ee Se eee a
Clay Worked caribou antler fragment ot (I SRE| Ooee deabor gee Supid
Pot sherds (pls 10, 6, ¢, d).22) 5 1} 15 | 14 1 | 24 dU as eee
Lamp sherds, saucer shaped (pl.
Ge My 99 Open eA aie Le Dee <a! Dp | tk Bl eee
120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
APPENDIX TABLE 1.—Crow Village trait list with locally manufactured items in the
sequence of the text descriptions—Continued
LOCATION
ITEM House Middens
and test
Grass:
iPinitedsrope (pl: Wi hf) bese ee Bl ai Rl ee
Twisted netime W(pk. tl, 2) 2 el Al Ok lee
Woven (pk: Gaia) ie a 8 BP a 3 1
Bark and Root:
Birchbark:
Bragmenti(ols Vibe) hee 1 | eae
Sewnrmnacmenti(ol. dda ke) 522 Sel ee Bee eee ee
Cottonwood bark:
Pelkey. Wk Bo) be A ee
Spruce root:
Wrapped istieks.(pl.11,.d)_2...228)-. 25). 30) eee ees
Wrappedthandle (pl. 1.7) ...-5)-. | 3 | ee Se ses eee
Bundlen(pl en. 226 too Eh 1
Metal:
Salmon ‘dartehead(pl '2) a). 4-5]. sS)nees 1
VIS RECHT aU Beye pe ea Oe eee ae 6
Pothook(pl..42, d) 3 ato a 2h eee eee Bl -aiee! pee eee
Hna@ibladedtknite blade (ols 12/2) See Se a2 Sse ee ee
Sawbladetrarment (pl. 12) bjs Bi. Sle A a a
NooeA IA Teo aia Sete SO EN eke AN 2 alee
Wihuiblader(olgl2 57) 2s eeeen tees Damien Blo ee ee
Skin /seraper blade (pliii2)'b)«). --.3|-=-2|---4|_- 22). 2.) oS es | eee
Dishe@plt U2) cna aba eee 2 2 |= elev tee es
Reinforcement piece (pl. 12, j)_____|_--__|_--- dt hed faliptok
Logsreinforeement, piece). = el |e eee 4
Cuticaniragmentss2 elute. 22-2 3 3 4 5 il
Bucket handle section. $=. j..8|5- ol 1
Gutsheetiof capper! te. b2 2 422.2 Bl. ose si 8 1
Herrulen(pitl 2h) he RB ea a a 1
.22 caliber cartridge drilled as a
Denice 5 ye ee eee 4
Drilled cartridge case with beads
attached=: ae Jee gy ob as eee Ee ea he iS |e ee
Glass:
Scraper:
Green bottle fragment__________ Dalit laf hil
Brown bottle fragment (pl. 12,
Non-Eskimo Pottery:
Labret;'ironstone. china (pl. 12, )/E|.--2|--.-|.---|- 4. ae se
Leather:
Patch or reinforcement piece (pl.
1/69) 9: Se et eee eae, eb ES Zl Pee Al ree PERRIER Fa _
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 121
APPENDIX TABLE 2.—Crow Village trait list with imported manufactured items in
the sequence of the text descriptions
LOCATION
ITEM House Middens
and test
Non-Eskimo pottery:
Plain white, undecorated fragment_| 14
White cup: undecorated- 2... .£=~=-].=..|_ 2.
Transfer print ware fragment
Hand painted ware fragment
igo, BOS 02) JRE Bere Seer” paramere Sat ope 8
Glaveditespot frapment st 8 boo aes ies ee NE ee wl te
Blue painted kitchen ware
PPA OMCs eee ee eee ea a A
Glass:
Button, four Noles 3. 24 ss 1
Window glass fragment-_-_--------- 12
Bottle:
Patent medicine, complete
Wse unknown (pl.i13,.d). 2 2 ta
bragment hose ooh kL peed 2 6
Drinking glass fragment_-__------_ 1
Lace chimney (?) fragment___---_ 1
Metal:
Uniyped tens: See shies Ss ee 1
Prag mente ase to 28 fe shad 9
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
APPENDIX TABLE 2.—Crow Village trait list with imported manufactured items in
the sequence of the text descriptions—Continued
LOCATION
ITEM House Middens
and test
2 | coe
Metal—Continued
Cartridge:
Center-fire,; Winchester2..2 28 =- |. |b ecale = 32) aol Ee SIE ee) Be | ee
Ad5— 1. Oscaliberwcenter-fres ogo = 2 Slee | Seger | ee rere er eee 1 a ae 6
Knameled teakettle.i.2.2).4.22..-)° 1) |: S9O|Poee i, Ste |¢ Se eee bee eee
Kettle drapment. aio 8. toed st celdeee |b |. 2 | oe o. o eea
Bucketsurapment 22... bo.e 22 oot ee, | eee) Die
Kettlelid.(pl. 14,50) (222 bo 3 foot ee af le 2 2 oe
Dipper shandle= 2-2-4. -bosdecucl «1-8 85] a Sa
Copper-hinge-(pl.. 14) 7) peste ee cec ounce 92) I (Pea Ae eee
Stoveliragments #3820) $282 ee es Nia apis
Wedge (pla ilA,-¢e)l22 fb Elen nS] BO ee ee
Planing. adz blade (pl. -14,'b) 2224 = de |b see ea 0) ee eee
Ax head:
tronhand' forged (pl. 14,.9)i_-2= i 2--|>-54[24-2)- 4b eee
Strike-a-light -(pl-14, p). 12 ~12--<)2=3-|-2-sfecee | 2 TR Meee
Chisel:
Brass spike. (pl. 14; é) 2222-22. f2<ca|oeo le = 22} + a1 Sa eee
Iron ‘spike~(pls14,id)s=tss SLs cele ole coal) ol ae Se
Suspender buckle (pl. 14, iq). 122 = | - ee hee = 2) So ee 1
Overall. strap..buckle (pl. 14, mm) +) -<2}2sSa)2e2 ol ee al re x
Copper. bracelet: (pl. 14,-0)_o12.2<]-se}oc ee) Pe ee Be ee
Pendant, (pl. dain). Rock 2 Fee S SE Sa i ae ee
[ronwserapeeot. 86 t= ob eee 1 1
Bayonet,section (pl. 14)/@)an22-eel-<o2}eeet|~21-)eecle ook eee
Iron-object, unidentified (pl. 14,.%)..}-=<==|..-—) 1" [dU aL ope Se ee
Wood:
Box:
Fragments os ieee = sce Joe de eeeeceeleos|-ce5- 2455S ee eee
Cigarbox-section.2..<<bo-d bee a] oceans eee es ee
Barrel.stave-<2u8-2255 2 Seb abe eels] -=22) > le | eee ee
Paring, knife-handle- section...4 2% ~--===|s-2<|2=5-|-ooo]eo=5 1g (a
Textiles and Footwear:
Widel brim: bat,:felt.t 1. 222 t2. ecko celisleesei}— Ibs|5 2 |e ee
Kerehiefs silks -be te hc ee eel alll a SIE = allo a | ee pip | Baha
‘Textile 'scraps=2- 24-6 +264seshee glace ole 6 Bt l= SS] Rea ee
Overshoe; Section=-~-! 242 ous Ck = ee loaf Ae 2 a
Man’s:square-toe,shoe-section 422-1) -1- | |-==-|_ 24/52 | Ee ee
Woman’s laced ‘bootis222-.-5111 22s) ossal- 12a | ee ee eee
Miscellaneous:
bump ‘of tar: s2-2252 Secs sob sh eee Sos 5 bese |S eee la ae ee ee
Oswalt and CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 123
AprrnpiIx TABLE 3.—CentraliKuskokwim Yuk culture, circa 1840-1900
Item Source
Settlement Pattern:
Cache:
itunyanOv eller S22 es Informants.
hadder, notchedopors {ooo alee) Do.
Piston Oe Sn = eon ae Do.
Kool, pabledtusaroia tt. cess c se wee Do.
SupDpOris, 10Un Posts. 39 2)3 oe ee Crow Village; Informants.
Walls,. horizontal'planks+— .25220.22ue2L 22 Informants.
Dwelling:
Summer:
Pole trame O88 = oo SA toe eee Do.
Cover:
Birchbarkeess sec es ae eee ee ee Do.
@rassa222 5252 Pee ea ae Do.
Winter:
Los irame (see Figure|6)-.--...--=----- Crow Village.
Pishskin window. 2 ooo oO J Informants.
Kashgee
Benches;, two rowstes! 4... eB OS Informants; Zagoskin.
iPnbrance, tunnel. 2228 a Crow Village; Informants.
Wire pit, Centrale oes <b re Informants.
Root; cribbedeu st. Sans ed rete 0.
Walls, vertical hewn logs.___._.._.--.---- Crow Village; Informants.
Rack for drying fish - 2 oe Informants.
Storage pit; birchbark lined-..-.....-...--.- Crow Village; Informants.
Clothing:
European:
Button, classes. M2) cea Crow Village.
Hat ifelt;, brimmed. 22. U oo Do.
ereiiet, silk 241... cb ooeeeeee Crow Village; Weinland.
Overalls; bibbedS.4- 2 = =) ose Crow Village.
Overshoes, rubbers = = 2) sae see oe Do.
Shoes:
High laced, (Gemale)-) .----- 22-2252. . Do.
Square ‘toedi(miale) 12 sees Do.
Suspenders. = 48) 2. a Do.
Footwear:
Boots:
Hip length (female; rare male); sealskin | Informants.
tops and bottoms.
Knee length (male):
Caribou skin tops, sealskin bottoms_ -- Do.
Fishskin tops and bottoms_----------- Informants; Zagoskin.
Boot liners off erassse8t Lee Do.
Socks:
Caribowskinteea es 2b eS 0.
Wishskines sees cee Noe ee Informants.
GIASs: WOVEN 2 eet aes le ae eee Do.
Handwear; mittens or gloves of caribou skin-_- Do.
Headwear:
Cap: (male); beaver skin... ..=--=-<----=- Informants.
Hood; caribou, marten, or squirrel skin__--| Zagoskin.
Degringss 2220s 2 oe eos oe Do.
Parka:
Hooded:
Ankle length, split sides (female)-_------ Informants; Zagoskin.
Rain, parka. 2082. 2 bee eee Zagoskin.
124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
AppENDIX TABLE 3.—Central Kuskokwim Yuk culture, circa 1840-1900—Continued
Item Source
Clothing—Continued
Parka—Continued
Hoodless:
Ankle length, sewn sides (male) --------- Zagoskin.
Knee length (male):
No ebririn: Sosa eee eee ee ee ee Informants.
M By arfid 000 0%c¢0 eae ie pe ren 5 40 pey SSety ap re Ree Fee ee Do.
Hooded or hoodless; crotch length (male)_-- Do.
MODACLO Dagestan eo eee eee aoe ee eee Do.
Trousers (male):
Fitted to below, ithe knees=s 2-2" 32s eenee Do.
Short underpants 5 2 ease eee Do.
Snares; traps; weapons:
Arrow feathering; two vanes set opposite each
CORED AVS) ee en ah sh OE UE Sp ps i ON Informants.
Arrowhead; antler:
Bilaterally barbed, wedge tang___--------- Do.
Unbarbed, open socket tang_-_---_------- Crow Village.
Unilaterally barbed, wedge tang---------- Informants.
Arrowhead woods blunt soi 4 = Crow Village.
Beaver hook, tones ee ee eee Zagoskin.
Bird spear shaft, sprice- 202 = 2 eS Crow Village.
Bow, spruce:
Sinew backeds= uate a ae be es ae Do.
NOE cfs lier e Pau Me cy ay age == oy ge pe nN ea Crow Village; Informants.
Firearms and ammunition:
Cartridge:
.44 caliber, primitires ). ba Ss ee Crow Village.
‘44 enliber, centerfire) oe = us 2 SL oe Do.
-45-.70 caliber, center-nren. == 2s Do.
-22healiberaterseakls 2S ee es Do.
Musket baile nen ee ee ee Do.
Percussion cap (container) -_...-.--------- Do.
Rifle:
PAAN caliber 22 pete soe MO Bee ee Informants.
245-.A0 colibetag: = 228s Je Se eee :
Ramrod. whalebone] s29e) ao see a. saa Crow Village.
Hanes ground stone point: oe 22. See Do.
Snare:
Fixed; twisted grass rope-25_ > =- 5--2--4 == TInformants.
Peg ets, Sit re ae Se Sees a es ae a eee Crow Village.
é Spring pole; bird-feather-rib rope___------- Informants; Zagoskin.
rap:
Dead fall. Sees eee ee ee ee eee Informants.
Fish trap set:for animals: = 2-22. === == Do.
Netting for trapping land animals__---_---- Zagoskin.
Subsistence:
ish
Boiled.) 222: ati bol 2. ene eee te Informants; Zagoskin
Mecayed 4. oe ye ee ee eee Do
DD yi (s¥o Ro pegaie UREA ISIREIEIN. PPR (NOS gee pagent ede ge Do
Smoked... i depakote Be ees Do
ETO CTE ee ee RIN CO Oy eat Do
Meat:
BBX ay (20 bijs pepe pb a aM eee ey al ne hr el ec Informants.
DCG sesh ha teats ye ee ees Do.
ROA STCGU LNs re et ater, tees nani, 29 |S Se See Do.
TODACCO me ss Sener esas a ee ee ee Zagoskin.
O lt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA
125
APPENDIX TABLE 3.—Central Kuskokwim Yuk culture, circa 1840-1900—Continued
Item Source
Subsistence—Continued
Vegetable:
Berries:
Histmerosubomeges 2-255 Informants.
Greens, roots, meat, fish, oil (agutuk)____| Informants; Zagoskin.
Hine weedesbotledermr.2 t= = se ee as Informants.
Niushroomis naw. | ot ee Do.
Walderhubano pooled 32. 2252 tee ee o2 Do.
Kashgee and Men’s Equipment:
Antler:
ANGE 7p RES ee a es a re Le ee Crow Village.
Crooked knifevdandle.. .- 5} es as Informants.
Net sinker 3 eese 527.3 ee ke Crow Village; Informants.
Wied ce--) 2 eenremet beet te eo Do.
Bearskin: entranicercover__--—=--------2 = 5 Informants.
Birchbark:
Ship Dom Sidesaenye fo Se Crow Village.
Unworked rolls of birchbark_____--------- Do.
Canvas; stage curtain for ceremonies--_------ Informants.
Hur, pamtbrushjol marmot...........-. .=#e2)= Do.
Grass:
Sponge sor, batming ss 4 yt a pee Zagoskin.
i ome for stage curtain for ceremonies__--| Informants; Zagoskin.
etal:
Adz bladecsmeser ed! Boe. | 2 ety oe Informants.
AWila = ceemenanAe ES Bel Se ke ee Crow Village.
Wermiyrera peminratet 3 ks Crow Village; Zagoskin.
Bayonet 2 revmenuet 35 2225s -a6 5 8ee Crow Village.
Cam metal sath la eee § eesie See ft Do.
Chisel:
IBTRSSs = See ont oie ssel ep glee) S Do
bearers) Sao Ree ee ete eS ee Do.
Popper shect. ese ss a ee eee Do.
bndtbladeniorkmifes 2.2.2 Soleo tes O.
Kngraving tool iblades...._-....-.-.-bede Informants.
Hinge. of. copperetc! 1. -......-.-.felens? Crow Village.
Sriihem sae seen SAR eo hee os Zagoskin.
1 FEO AST Sa AR 9 A Tapa RP Penne SF Crow Village.
amg blade Nee ou 2 eee oy eee eS Do.
NS eui ESSE Wir ca ca SERRE np Ce Do.
VN Ue ES k SO Sees © Aaa | Ce Anca iin ala en nea Do.
Paint:
IBiacke Scoala pee Bae ee ene eee Zagoskin.
Blue; white rock and decayed wood_ ------ Informants.
Red pbloog anguocner 02. 2. se Informants; Zagoskin.
Wihitesswhite rocket» #2222222 eae Informants.
Pottery; locally made:
Lamp; large and bowl shaped_-_----------- Informants; Zagoskin.
Stone:
Adz blade:
Chipped of flinty material______-_--_--- Informants.
Ground:
IBlaninlopertwrte tb! ee = Crow Village.
SpPUGiineeeaee wh ft ele ee eS Do.
Bullet bene ewe ho Se et Do.
Bnd) bladeditknife;blade..........---..=-- Do
Grindme Ap aneeeee ee 2 oe Pe OS Do.
Hammerstonessetet 1.
Do.
hing, montaeriey ate ee re ek Crow Village; Informants.
126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
APPENDIX TABLE 3.—Central Kuskokwim Yuk culture, circa 1840-1900—Continued
Item Source
Kashgee and Men’s Equipment—Continued
Stone—Continued
SaWitis ccs fen eee ce che Le Crow Village.
Weta tone eee es inst nearer ene Crow Village; Informants.
Wood:
Adaghandle ACTON h Mooi alert ent Crow Village.
Beaver tooth drawknife handle__________- Do.
Crooked, knifeiandle = csi oie SS Informants.
Drill shaft:
Biemplacements. 2-5-2 2 soso cee Crow Village.
Brie linet NAA he MAR he es Do.
End ‘blade*kiife handle. 8 se ek Do.
Mneravine tool handle... 2.5522 o eee oO.
ABE alors h ave Mt tt CRSPh ere beeen eeeuane teen nem ae Informants.
Misa. SEE sen Sts ten ot op ee Crow Village.
Paring | knitejhandles tooo oh e) eee ee Do.
Respiratoc of Shavings ss oo Zagoskin.
BRUM box, bOCCOM. oss et ee Crow Village.
Nirap, driller 6 es oe Do.
Tobacco box top and bottom____________- Do.
A YEEON ee SS SMR ete eat ts COM TO) Crow Village; Informants.
Ceremonial Life and Equipment:
Burial:
Goth, planks 222 ve cde Selah ei Informants.
Birchbark over entire coffin._.._...---- Zagoskin.
Birchbark over coffin top.......-------- Informants.
Cormerposts wos! 3 oa. se ees oow cae Informants; Zagoskin.
Paintédifiguresvon’ sides. 222204005 l 566 Informants.
Figures; free standing, head and trunk___-- Do.
Grave goods:
Tools and equipment (male or female) -_ -__ Do.
HOV S(t] Gd rem) as ee ey egy ee ee Do.
Headboard:
Animal carvings attached__.....-.----- Crow Village; Informants.
Humantearving attached....-.2.-i22.=2 0.
Bead adornment (female)__--__---__- Informants.
Ceremonies:
Bering Omi 5: BE naa See Do.
Boy Ss nuntiness oo te sake tee ee Do.
Child's first dances A252 oe2- os eS Do.
Doll? 2. Jee ook Skee ae ae ere ae Do
Heastitor.the dead a Foe ak oe Do
Kirst salmon sen Jos 25s2caeonse lee Do
Potlatch = AA(e 70 Bt vt. 25. ee Se Do
Wadtcelery stale too sets oes eens O.
Blower, (2). .Camvitigeie. 426 22 3 ay fe ey ot Crow Village.
Mask appendage:
Animalicdrving Wl tons cccce evo OAS Crow Village (?).
Bost model! fs ose ee eee ae Crow Village.
ishiearving 2. oo. Fla sees ee ope Do.
Wand B/S RAMGU J. ese ae Le Do.
Face mask:
ear anh WU ne at ee ta eee aah Informants.
Dogs 2. eR eet oie ee cate nea Zagoskin.
OR eo ds OR Ba a et Crow Village.
FeLi an ee Crow Village; Informants;
Zagoskin.
RAVEN So eh ee ee cae Informants.
SprritlHeel ! WO De aia wee eee Zagoskin.
Oswalt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 127
AppENDIx TABLE 3.—Central Kuskokwim Yuk culture, circa 1840-1900—Continued
SS ee ee
Ceremonial Life and Equipment—Continued
Ga
Personal Adornment:
m
Item Source
Informants; Zagoskin.
hinpermmask- 2222-2 - 5 ue eee
Informants.
Memorialicarving) of \a girl...
Tambourine drum:
JEG Gps os et Bre eae et Se eee ee Crow Village.
Drums ticles 42 2eew Fe eee Informants.
es:
Pallhobtwisted grass.) 22-22 <--seecess=- Do.
Broasdejump, (misles) 222s 2222S oe Wt Se Zagoskin.
Chopping hole in‘ice (boys) ---------------- Do.
Hand eamer@nien) Mee. 2 fee et Informants.
Snowshoe wace (moalles)Saeee eens] eee ee Zagoskin.
Crow Village; Zagoskin.
Weinland.
Bracelettcomper! 22532 --~ <5. 52055552555
Breast ornament (child, female):
Brass buttons = == ee sora eee Do.
Ear ornament; strung beads, various colors
Gemiste) i SROs SUC fo re SOE AE Informants.
Labret:
Lateral:
Disk:shaped, (male). -.25-2-222252=22
Hook shaped (female) ._-.-------------
Ornamented with beads__..---------
Miediall(male) eee es eos tee ee
Necklace, beads and cartridge cases (female) -
Nose ornament, blue glass beads (female) ---_-
Pendant:
Crow Village; Informants.
Informants.
Informants; Zagoskin.
Crow Village; Informantss
Crow Village.
Informants; Zagoskin.
Beardtoothe-Sse-- oe besa ssensoeaese sss Crow Village.
Mict al sepa Oe Sr hs oo nope tase sss Do.
Ring:
TRONS | RRS fo oe esses Zagoskin.
DW Vii TG see WEED Fo a a te he wh ae Do.
Tattoo; lip to chin lines (female) ---.-------- Do.
Transportation:
Boats and boating:
Bidarraumiak). .— 2)o-2sn22essserseses= Informants.
Birchbarkicanoes sheets = 2252552 Sa522e Do.
ayalct > . SOS PRBIS ooo oe ee eee assess Do.
Bow. or stern! pieces 2s ee ose ee eses Crow Village.
Bow pidee!. HOG! feos ess sesasssseet Do.
Deeckisupport= — =L.ssosass22ssse5S2¢ Do.
Manhole:
RinevsechiOnt: 4. s2ce2.545sessse52 Do.
Rane supports: 22 s2-s22s22ss5ses=25 Do.
PRPS a PDN a a es Do.
Paddle:
Double bladed; ribbed on one side of
blader tee ah eee een Informants.
Incomplete; ribbed on both sides of blade_| Crow Village.
Single bladed; ribbed on both sides of
bladesatee es fo dae Cat abe sce sseasae Informants.
Propelling poletiat 2243 we vesa sacescese ee Do.
Sled and sledding:
Built up; flat bed (dog traction)-_---------- Do.
Runner:
‘Birches eo eee scan EL ie Zagoskin.
SL Cg Eee; see eet NSIRRE ee eR Crow Village; Informants.
Canoe or kayak sled (human traction) _---| Informants.
rose DICOGe! Seen ose eet e Crow Village.
128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
AppENDIxX TABLE 3.—Central Kuskokwim Yuk culture, circa 1840-1900—Continued
Item Source
Transportation—Continued
Sled and sledding—Continued
Dog sharnessjoldgfish neta. 5- 45> 5— = Informants.
Shoe; sled:
Whalehened saw d!t 29 po oe ee Crow Village; Informants.
OG tc ria a a ia Crow Village.
Stanchions sleds stip eee ya eee Do.
Snowshoe:
Frame:
1 Brine) SEN, Us) aN A en et ba A ROU Informants; Zagoskin.
Cottonweodste ig ge ee Crow Village.
Household Equipment:
Amitler taming tram Glee ee eu eee as eee Do.
Birchbark:
Basket:
Garrying large eb 6 ee ee informants.
Cokin gee Ae ey i a UN O.
Household}small..pasabe. asters abse Crow Village; Informants.
Horsetail root border design_--------- Informants.
Dip pert Pee 96tea 3G Ieee tre Do.
1 AGH Pe) 00 PS ir SEAR a ra, SN ie et aR PRN etree ae Do.
TE forchevs tehvcg Meese) SREAD) Sgt San gen ae Crow Village.
Wiskiskin:pgepeveerey Agee ee Zagoskin.
Elannel iblanketere.341 222+ eh Do.
Glass:
Bottles wees Oma! BO ret ase oe byl Crow Village.
Disb ot ated fo PzVCI- ee es 2s, Ge Sp GLO ee OTL Ree Dopey ts Do.
Scraper:
Bottletracment hae 8 224 Pee oes oe Do.
Windowtragient.} 0-2 Do.
Grass:
Woven (oaskeiterce? 1 0 eee Informants.
WON CTRHRES. SpE Pi ety Be Ua a Sui Crow Village.
Metal:
Bucket:iwithvbandles owe. oe ea aoe Do
Cantimnetal rollstzer: Webi 5 el sole ee Do
Di Per ss flee feyeree ep hs ii eS ee ee Do
Dish:
OAS beRrO ae te. be 2h a ee Zagoskin.
Cop pene want ie 8 a es ee Do.
Remade) tinv¢an metals. 2 eee es Crow Village.
1 EM Girgib a eae Ofc OMEN <9 © Nene NTS aye ar ROUEN Oo.
ior ills erie ar ey a eo a on Do.
Needles. Aatt =o ees ee ee a Zagoskin.
Pie Gy apse Pe aa per yt Crow Village.
DR Eh, a a OF ih Ne pk es, Zagoskin.
PO UH OD kee he Aenean eee ee ra ee Crow Village.
Serapenibladess =k Se ea ee: cee pel Do.
Tablespoon tamwpte th. bo 6 2 oe ce es Do.
Teakettle:
Mmamele@. 222 ok el ee ee Do
Plain metalaree teh se Soe Le Do
SP CRIG OD sm APF ih ee pO A aa eg Do
Do YGF: iw aM anes Ree penis LOAN AIS Rh SrON T tp a SE Do.
Ulu blade fromjcan metal___. ~~~ 22sb224- Do.
Mosse mp wick! a2 oS ha hee ee ee Informants.
Oil; lamp fuel (bear, fish, or seal oil)_-_-__--- Do.
O lt and
Van Stone] CROW VILLAGE, ALASKA 129
AppENpDIx TABLE 3.—Central Kuskokwim Yuk culture, circa 1840-1900—Continued
Item Source
Household Equipment—Continued
Pottery:
Imported:
Cup:
Handpainted: 2-248 Sd ad Crow Village
Bisime Deere rpgetat oto oo Re Do.
shranster prints 52k 2 a ee ere Do
DOUEEE ahr aOR Se ae eh ee Do
GRO 5 beer hie Yo A ee oe Do
Locally made:
Cooking pot:
Line-dot surface treatment----_------- Do.
Undecorated2 22225. Sse -2 See ee Do.
Saucerishanpediammps_. ....-- 2. -..*- Do.
Smew- thread 22 208 Ss. Ub os a heat wiyiy) Zagoskin.
SETAE 04 3} Ps 1 a RS Pa Pe Informants.
tone:
DIS) ea PAT TE I Scape ee Ee pu ore Crow Village.
ISGEN AONE Ei onate ee ees SNR ee eee oe eNO Do.
Lamp, pecked and ground:
Basin shaped; shallow, wide rim_- ~~ ---_- Do.
Bowl, shaped, shallow.) ... -.- .. 42)24.- - Do.
Scraper:
Flaked:
Boulder chip (tci-tho) --.------------ Crow Village.
Blade:
1B) aio (eS Se ee eer Do
Sits Gat ee ee Pe eee Do
Ground:
Rind: bladewiatteds_) =.= 5 tae. 0.
Loe oy Evo SE es. 2 ae ee eee ey ee eee Crow Village; Informants.
| MTC hea oe eae Le ee eee eee Crow Village.
Willows inner bark formets. _ <6 ----- 42. Crow Village; Informants;
Zagoskin.
Wood:
Barrel imported=.. 2.2 2.2.-s2-4 Bees 8 Do.
Benchtsuipportses=ser ace 4 Seo oe See ee Do.
Bowl semicirele of a burl. .— 224 222ce— 22 Do.
ibex, plank, imported... 2-.-..-.2s2ee3e_s Do.
Bucket, ovoid; decorated bottom_-__-_--_-_- Crow Village; Informants.
Re oa enh ee ea age Informants.
MGHNeOOATOs= 5-2 oF 2 eee Crow Village; Informants.
LD TELS Nie ic eee Ege F Cnc e Ore Do.
Pndgscraperhandless2 22220 ee ae Do.
Hoodgtray, ovoid 2262 2..) 22. a= Same Do.
[lexan cli aie See ob Seek Crow Village.
WbsiOll eee ee So he Do.
amipsieaneer 2 ce es eS Crow Village; Informants.
okeisiemuenmye. 3255025 loses Ee phi Crow Village.
Wilivwhandles 2228 ea ee Sa ah Crow Village; Informants.
Fishing Equipment:
Rass a reap cee ee Pag eS Informants; Zagoskin.
Harpoon dart; barbed metal point____------- Crow Village.
Hook and line:
Hook baited with red flannel_-_---------- Informants.
TSE) EN ea AUR eS ca RL Crow Village; Informants.
Leister:
enbial Pronee wees ok Se ee Crow Village.
IESG ered PROM Ge Mase eten CNL ut eee S Do.
130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 199
AppENDIX TABLE 3.—Central Kuskokwim Yuk culture, circa 1840-1900—Continued
Item Source
Fishing Equipment—Continued
Net:
AE Seas ee a Mek eae ST ene leer eee Informants; Zagoskin.
Grill eae rp eee EO INPRO: SERN eRe a tliat ete pai Do.
Drift st. Wei Os bos i eG eee Do.
ee) Aap peers Ss, SR per eee Deere ee eee nee ae ee Informants.
Material:
Cotton twineth: 2 oases. bes eee Do.
Rawhide thong’ s2- 2s sa sees ae bea Informants; Zagoskin.
Twisted eracs #6 ha ieee a eo Informants.
Wahl Oy gine ar kc ss Metts tpt areal Crow Village; Informants;
Zagoskin.
Netting equipment:
AniGhor S1OneGhek =< oo bee poe oer Informants.
Anchor lines of willow inner bark___-_--- Do.
Fish killing:
ib SS ep ea eee haere lk er ees Do.
Clabes Ph ote Le Do.
Float:
Oblong with holes at each end:
Cottonweod bark). 22.2 228 Sie Crow Village; Zagoskin.
Spruce: s840 2 22s lhcess eee eee Crow Village.
Oblong with hole at one end; spruce__-| Crow Village; Informants.
Shaped like duck, for end of drift net-_| Informants.
Gage] Aes WOR be ede tek Crow Village; Informants.
Net container for boat. 2-222 225222" se5* Informants.
DHUtHeLs asses eee eee eee eee Crow Village; Informants.
Weight:
Antlervanilledsholes#=soeesee ese e sees 0.
Bone, notched. --2= hci oteeeceteeeee Crow Village.
head, ‘clampedie ts.) wcnececectetees Informants.
Stone, notched 2s hace esos Crow Village.
Weir eene Pet) esto, Wes bd peed eee sete Informants; Zagoskin.
INDEX
Abrading, 26 Begging
Abrasion, 28 Bell, 79
Adz, 92 Bench, 15, 18, 19, 20, 50, 90, 92
planing, 28, 29, 30, 66 Bench plank support, 36, 68, 90
splitting, 29 Bennett, James, 54
Adz head, 44 Berezkin, Matthew, 6
Agutuk, 91, 95 Bering Sea, 3, 5, 69, 83
Akiak, 84 Bering Strait, 5
Alaska Commercial Company, 5, 6, 73, Berries, 89, 95
81, 82 Bethel, 6, Z 73, 78, 81, 83
Alaska Peninsula, 80 Bidarra, 87, 96
Alder, 8, 9 Big Lake, 42
Aleutian Islands, 80 Birch, 7, 8, 31, 89, 93
Alexandrov Redoubt, 4, 77, 80, 82, 84 Birchbark, £0;\01, 12,24, (89, 43,:47,, 67;
America, influence of, vi11, 76, 78, 79, 82, Wer 74, 76, 87, 88, ‘90, ‘92, 94, 100,
83, 85, 101, 105 101, 107
Ammunition, 81 Bird:
see also: Rifle cartridge. carved, 42, 43
Aniak, vu, 6, 7, 63, 86 mask depicting, 98
Aniak River, 4, 92, 94, 96 wing of, 95
Animals, 98, 99 Bird dart, 76, 97
carved, 41, 42, 97, 98 Bird hunting, 33
see also specific names. Bird spear, 33
Antler, 26, 44, 70, 72, 91, 93, 94 Blacker, J. F., 52
Anvik River, 3 Bladder, 94
Archeology, historical, vir, v111 Blades, 26, 69, 91, 92
Arctic Woodland culture, 106, 107, 109 animal tooth, 33
Arrowhead, 32, 44, 93, 96, 101 iron, 33, 66
Arrowpoint, 28, 29, 30 Blanket, 78, 90
Ash, bone, 52 Blood, as paint, 93
wood, 12, 19 Boat, toy, 40, 97, 101
Athapaskan Indians, 1, 2, 72, 73, 81, 87, carved, 98
106, 109 Boat model, 42
Awl, 44, 50, 72, 91, 98, 94 Bone, 26, 70, 72, 103
Ax, 4, 78, 81, 92, 93 Bone ash, 52
Boots, 88
Bag, grass, 47 Borax flint, 52
fishskin, 91 Bottle, glass, 55, 57, 90
Baking powder, 63, 64, 75 Bottle glass, vu, 51,
Ball, grass, 97, 101 Bow, 32, 33, 96, 101
Band, metal, 18 toy, 40, 97, 101
Bannock, 75 Bowl, ironstone, 53
Bark peeler, 438, 44 wood, 36
Barrel stave, 66 Box, wooden, 61, 62, 66
Basalt, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30 Brace, drilling, 45
Basket, birchbark, 47, 73 Bracelet, 51, 66, 79, 89
grass, 99 Bristol Bay, 1
Bathing, 98 Brooks, John, 53
Bayonet, 66, 92 Bucket, iron, 65, 90
Beads, 12, 18, 51, 55, 57, 58, 59, 61, 76, toy, 40, 97
78, 79, 81, 82, 88, 92 Bucket handle, 51
Bear, 73, 95, 96 Buckle, clothing, 60
carved, 41, 97 Bullet mold, 31, 49, 76, 96
mask depicting, 98 Bull roarer, 97
Bearskin, 92 Burial, 100
Bear tooth, 45 Burnham, Harold, 67
Beaver, 4, 70, 71, 72, 85, 96 Buttons, 55, 79, 82, 89
131
132
Cache, 22, 23, 24, 89, 107
ground, 24
Cache poles, 9, 89
California Fig Syrup Co., 56
Canoe, 87, 89, 94, 96, 100, 101, 107
Canvas, 67, 99
Cap, see Headgear.
Cape Darby, 38
Cape Vancouver, 42
Caribou, 4, 65, 71, 72, 85, 87, 88, 91, 96,
97, 106
carved, 41, 97
Cartridge, see Rifle cartridge.
Carving, animal, 41, 42, 68, 97, 98, 100,
101
Census, 6
Ceremonies, 98, 99, 100
doll, 99
Chambers: lexander and David H.,
5
OG:
Checkers, 39, 68, 97
Chert, blue, 26
Chimney, lamp, 57
China clay, 52
China stone, 52
Chipping, 27, 30
Chisel, 93
Christianity, 80, 83, 100
Chum, see Salmon.
Cigar box, 66
Cinnabar, 83
Clay, vessels of, 74
Clothing, 67, 75, 78, 87, 88, 91
Club, 94, 96
Coal, 93
Cod, 94, 95
Coffin, 100, 101
Cold trap, 11, 18
Comb, 79
Constantine, 77
Cooking, 48, 74,
see also: Food, preparation of.
Cook Inlet, 3
Copper, sheet 51, 93
Copper River, vir, 54
Cork stopper, 56, 57
“‘Cornaline d’Aleppo” bead, 60
Cottonwood, 10, 11, 20, 31, 38, 48, 89,
93, 94
Cowhide, 51
Crescent Baking Powder, 64
Crockery, vir
“Crooked knife,’’ 44, 92, 93, 95
“Crow Village,” 1
Crow Village, vir, vit1, 1x, 2, 3, 6, 7, 10,
23, 53, 69, 70, 72, 73, 74, 76, 78,
80, 81, 82, 83, 87, 98, 100, 101,
102, 105, 106
artifacts from, 25, 28, 29, 53, 54, 55,
56, 57, 60, 61, 68, 77, 102, 104, 107
natives of, 4, 51,
population of, 83, 84
Cup, 52, 53, 79, 91
Curtain, canvas, 99
Cutting board, 33, 66, 91
Cux dialect, 1
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bull. 199
Dances, 98, 100
Dart, 39, 94, 97
Dart head, 75, 76
Deadfall, 73, 95
Densmore, Frank, 83
Designs, floral, 53
geometric, 90
Dipper, birchbark, 100
metal, 65, 90
Dish, metal, 50, 76, 78, 90
stone, 30
toy, 40, 97
wood, 3, 6
Dog, 70, 71, 72
Dogfood, 4
Dogsled, see Sled.
Doll, 41, 68, 97, 99
Drawknife handle, beaver tooth, 33, 93
Drift netting, 94
Driftwood, 8
Drill, 93
Drilling, 28
Drum handle, 43
Drummer, 99
Drying rack, 91, 94
Duck, fish, 94
Dwelling, eh 10, 12, 13, 15,20; "22624
4
?
Eagle, carved, 92
Earrings, 79, 92
‘“‘Hley Bro.,’’ 64
End blade, 26, 29
Engraving, 51
Engraving tool handle, 33, 93
Entry room, 11, 15, 18, 20, 23, 90
Epidemic, 7, 80
Ermine, carved, 41, 97
Eskimos, vil, 2, 25, 63, 67, 68, 69, 72, 73,
74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85,
99, 101, 105, 106, 108, 109
culture of, 5, 6, 11, 33, 36, 39, 44,
48, 49, 55, 57
language of, 1
Feast for the Dead, 99
Feces, human, 24
Ferrule, copper, 51, 76
Finger masks, 99
Firearms, 44, 64, 65, 82, 96
Fire drill, 33, 98
Firepit, 92
Fireplace, 12, 44, 89, 90, 92
Fireweed, 95
Fish, 4, 24, 75, 91, 100
carved, 42, 98
Fishbones, 73, 103
Fish eggs, 95
Fishing, 32, 33, 69, 95, 96, 103, 106, 109
Fishing rod, 32
Fish net, 89, 91, 96
see also: Net.
Fishskin, 56, 88, 89, 97
Fishtrap, 95, 103, 104
Flaking, 30
Flannel, 78, 87, 94
Van Stone] INDEX 133
Flint, 26, 52, 97 Hood, 87
borax, 52
Flip dart, 39, 68
Float, net, 32, 44, 48, 94
Floor, 10
house, 11, 12, 16, 18, 77
Flour, 81
Flower, carved, 42, 76, 100
Fontana, B. L., 57, 61
Food, 75
preparation of, 95, 96, 107
Footwear, 67, 99
Fort Union, N. Mex., 57
Fox, red, 71, y2, 73, 96
mask depicting, 98
Fruit, 75
Fungus, 39, 93
Fungus box, 39
Fur, 91, 97
Fur trade, 4, 51, 73, 86
Gage, mesh, 32, 91, 104
Games, 97, 98
Giddings, James L., 105, 106, 107, 109
Glass, drinking, 55, 57, 90
see also: Bottle.
Glasseutter, 55
Glaze, 52
Glazunow, Andrei, 3
Gloves, 88
Gold, 83
stampede for, 6
Gouge, 27
Gouging, 44
Grass, 20, 47, 90
braided, 48
twisted, 51, 91, 95, 97
woven, 88, 91
Grave goods, 100, 101
Grease, 97
Greenleaf, C. J., 57, 61,
Grinding, 25, 26, 29, 31
Grinding stone, 28
Grooving, 29
Gulf of Alaska, vir
Gun powder, 81, 82
Hair, human, 42, 43
Hallmark, pottery, 54, 55
Hammering, 28
Hammerstone, 25, 28, 69, 93, 94
Hand-decorated ware, 52, 53, 54
Handgame, 95
Handle, 50, 91, 92
Hardtack, 81
Hare, 71, 87, 95
Harness, 89
Hat, 67, 88
Headband, 82
Headgear, 88
Hearth, 18
Heating stones, 90
Heizer, R. F., 31
Herrick, R., 60
Hinge, copper, 65, 93
Holitna River, 78
Hook, iron, 96
Hook and line, 94
Hooper Bay Village, 68
Horsetail, 91
Hosley, Edward, vi1t
Hough, Walter, 31
House excavation, 13
Housepits, 9
Hrdliéka, Ale’, 8, 31
Hudson’s Bay Company, 60
Human figure, carved, 41, 43, 101
Hunt, C. B., 56
Hunting, 44, 69, 95, 96, 100, 106
Hutchinson, Kohl & Company, 5, 81
Tkogmiut, 3
Iliama Lake, 1, 77
Illarion, Hieromonk, 4, 6, 9, 80
Indians, vu, 5, 80, 103, 107
Ingalik tribe, 1
Influenza, 84
Inlay, 91
Innovation, 74
Insoles, 47
Inuit, 68
Tron, cast, 49, 79
Ironstone china, 51, 52, 54, 55, 88
Ivory, 88, 91
Jewelry, brass, 81
Kachemak Bay, 31
Kalskag, vu 4, 81, 83, 84
Kanukpuk, see Influenza.
Kashgee, 8, 23, 24, 39, 70, 74, 92, 93, 97,
8, 99
98,
Kayak, 36, 37, 48, 87, 89, 96, 100
shoe, 45
Kerchief, 67, 82, 88
Kettle, cast iron, 49
Kilbuck, John H., 84
King, George C., 83
Kiogiack, Simon, 6
Knife, 66, 81, 93
Knife blade, 26, 44, 79,
metal end bladed, 49
Knowles, Isaac W., 54
Knowles, Taylor & Knowles, 54
Kobuk River, 105, 106, 107
Kodiak Island, 31, 80,
Kokhlokhtokhpagamiut, 83, 84
Kolmakov, Feodor, 80
Kolmakov Redoubt, 1x, 3, 4, 5, 6, 42, 72,
73, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 103
Koniag, 31
Kotzebue Sound, 103
Kowchowak, 97
Kuskokwim River region, vil, vil, 1, 2,
3, 5, 6, 7, 10, 30, 31, 36, 40, £2,
68, 69, 72, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83,
84, 85, 95,'96, 98, 100, 101, 103,
105, 106
Kwigiumpainukamiut, 1x, 1, 2, 3, 5, 78,
?
134
Labret, 38, 51, 88
Ladle, 90, 91
Laguna, Frederica de, 31
Lamp, clay, 57, 74, 90
hunting, 46
pottery, 31, 45, 46
stone, 30, 74, 90
Lampstand, 12, 15, 20, 36, 90, 92
Lance, 26, 68, 96
toy, 40
Land otter, 72, 73, 87, 95, 96
Langtray, George C., 83
Lantis, Margaret, 106, 107, 109
Lard, 75
Lead, 49, 81, 82, 94, 96
Leather, 51
Leggings, 87
Leister, 94
toy, 40
Lid, can, 64
kettle, 65
Little Russian Mission, 83
Log cabin, 14, 23
Loon, carved, 41, 97
Lukin, Semen, 5
Lynx, 73, 95
Makutov, Prince Dimitrij, 4
Marmot, 87, 93
Marrow, bone, 97
Marten, 73, 85, 95, 96
Mask, 42, 98, 99
appendage, 41, 42, 43, 97, 98, 99
ring(?), 42
Mason and Company, C. J., 52
Mat, grass, 74, 91, 99
Maul, 93
Measles, 84
Meat, 75, 95
Medicine, patent, 56
Memorial image, 41, 42
Mending hole, 75
Metal, 61
Midden, 9, 23, 44, 47, 57, 70, 77
Milk glass, 55
Miners, 83
Mink, 73, 95, 96
carved, 41, 97
Minton, Thomas, 53
Mirror, 79
Mittens, 88
Molasses, 64
Moose, 71, 72, 85, 96, 97
Moravian Church, vit, 83, 84
Mortar, paint, 30, 93
Mug, 53
Mumtreklagamiut Station, see Bethel.
Mushrooms, 95
Musket ball, 49, 96
Muskrat, 73, 95
Necklace, 45, 51, 76, 86
Needle, steel, 28, 69, 79, 81, 91
Nelson, Edward W., 37, 38, 39, 40, 42,
68, 81
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Nail, metal, 18, 38, 50, 61, 62, 66, 76, 93
Net, 91, 100, 103
dip, 32, 94
gill, 32, 94
trap, 73
Net floats, 32, 44, 48, 94, 104
Net shuttle, 32, 91, 104
Net sinker, 26, 44, 72, 93, 104
Netting, 32
grass, 47
Nicholaevskij Redoubt, 3, 82
Northern Commercial Company, 63
Nunivak Island, 37
Nushagak River, 4, 77, 78, 80
trading center, 77
Ocher, red and white, 93
Ogavik, 78, 81, 83
Ohagamiut, 4, 6, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 97, 98
Ohio patterns, 54
Oil, 64, 75, 95, 97
seal, 90
Ontario, 102
Oswalt, W. H., vu, 22, 28, 40, 68, 70,
85, 105
Otter, see Land otter.
Overalls, 66, 87
Overshoes, 67, 88
Owens, M. J., 56
Pacific Ocean, 3
Paddle, 37, 87
Paimiut, 1
Paint, black, 93
blue, 93
red, 33, 48, 87, 93
Paintbrush, 93
Painting, 100
Paint mortar, 30, 93
Pan, frying, 65, 81, 90
Parka, 87, 88, 99
Pebble, beach-worn, 27, 94
Pecking, 29, 30
Peg, wooden, 43, 45
Pendant, 45, 66, 89
Percussion caps, 64
see also: Firearms.
Phillips, Sam, 7, 8, 23, 70
Pie tin, 65, 90
Pike, 94
Pipe, 38, 79
Pistol, toy, 40
Pit, storage, 73, 89
Pittsburgh, Ohio, 57
Pneumonia, 84
Poke, sealskin, 90
Pole, spruce, 87
carved, 92
Polishing, 25, 29, 30
Population, 10
Pot, metal, 4, 79, 81
Pot, pottery cooking, 45, 74, 90
Pothook, metal, 50, 90
Potlatch, 98, 99, 100
Pottery, 45, 46
imported, 18, 75
non-EHskimo, 54
[Bull. 199
Oswalt and
Van Stone] INDEX 135
Potterymaking, 74 Shajashnikov, Father Innokenty K., 83
Powder, see Gun powder. Shamanism, 4
Prince William Sound, vil, 31 Sharpener, 28
Prospectors, 83 Shoes, see Footwear.
Ptarmigan, 96 Shuttle, 32, 91
Side bladed knife handle, 44
Quartz, 26, 27 Sidewalls, 14
Silk, Chinese, 67
Rabbit, see Hare. Sinew, 33, 91
Ramrod, 44, 72, 96 Skagway, 60
Ravens, 8 Skins, processing of, 97
Rawhide, 89, 91, 96 worked, 69, 97
Red paint, 33, 48, 93 Skin seraper blade, 50, 97
Reinforcement pieces, leather, 51 Skylight, 56
metal, 50 Slate, 25, 26, 27, 29, 91, 92
Respirator, 98 Sled, 36, 37, 87, 101
Rhubarb, 95 Sled runner, 37, 43
Rifle, 64, 65, 82, 83, 96 Sled shoe, 37, 43, 45, 72
Rifle cartridge, 32, 51, 64, 65, 76, 82, 88| Sled stanchion, 37
Ring, finger, 79, 89 Sleetmiut, 84, 85, 96
Rivet, metal, 32 Smallpox, 80
Roman Catholic Church, 83 Smudge fires, 93
Romig, Dr. Joseph H., 84 Snare, 33, 73, 95, 96
Roof, construction of, 12, 13, 15, 17, 20| Snowshoe, 36, 38, 89, 97
Roof, cribbed, 18, 20 Snuffbox, 38, 39, 88
gabled, 89 Socks, 47, 88
pitched, 18 Soft drink, 56
Roof beams, 16 Songs, 98, 99, 100
Roof timbers, 10 Spear, 52, 96, 101
Rope, plaited grass, 47 Spike, 66, 93
Royal Baking Powder, 63, 64 Spirits, masks depicting, 98
Royal Ontario Museum, 67 Spode, 52
Russia, influence of, vu, 4, 5, 75, 76,| Spoon, metal, 65, 90
78, 80, 82, 85, 101 Spring pole, 95
Russian-America Company, 3, 5, 79 Spruce, 8, 10, 11, 15, 20, 31, 32, 36, 48,
Russian language, 1 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 98, 107
Russian Mission, see Ikogmiut. Spruce root, 32, 98
Russian Orthodox Church, 4, 6, 48, 76, | Squirrel, 71, 87, 88, 95
79, 80, 83, 100 Staffordshire, 54
Steel, plate, tinned, 49, 62
St. Michael, 1, 3, 4, 39, 40, 68, 80, 81,| Steubenville Pottery Company, 54
82, 84 Stone, building, 10, 15
2
Salmon, 8, 89, 94, 95, 96, 100, 107, 109 chipped, 25
Salmonberry, 24, 95 fire cracked, 20, 48
Salmon dart head, 49, 75, 97 greenish, 30
toy, 40 grinding, 93
Salt, 64, 75 ground, 27
Sandstone, 27, 28, 30, 31 worked, 69
San Francisco, Calif., 56 Stoneware, 52
Saucer, 52, 53, 91 Stony River, 3
Saw, metal, 93 Stopper, cork, 56, 57
stone, 26, 29, 94 Story knife, 40, 97
Saw blade, 49, 69 Stove, cast iron, 49, 65, 90
Schist, sandy, 26, 27 Strike-a-light, 66, 79, 98
Scoop, metal, 50 Structure, dome-shaped, 91
Scraper, 26, 30, 97 Sugar, 81
end-hafted skin, 28 Suk dialect, 1
glass, 51, 56, 75, 97 Suspenders, 66, 87
secondary use of, 28 Syrup, 64, 75
side, 26, 97
snub-nosed, 26 Tacket, iron, 67
Seal, 85, 88 Takotna River, 3
Sea mamal, 69 Tanning, 97
Seine, 32 Tar, 67
Serpent, carved, 41, 97 Taral site, 54, 60
Sewing, 47, 48 Tea, 81
136
Teakettle, 65, 82, 90
Teapot, ironstone, 53, 91
Temper, 46
Textiles, 67, 81
Theft, 4
Theodore, Anania, 6, 7, 70
Tin cans, vat 49, ’50, 62, 63, 69, 90, 91,
97, 105
“hole-in-top,” 62, 63
lid of, 64
Tobacco, 4, 39, 75, 78, 81,
Tobacco box, 39
Tobacco can, 64
Tobacco grinder, 36
Top, toy, 39, 97, 101
Toy, 43, 97
Trade, 4, 5, 6, 61, 107, 109
Trade goods, vit, 5, 9, 25, 51, 59, 70, 73,
74, 76, 77, "79, 83, 85, 101, 102, 105
Traders, 52, 60, "90, 91
American, iA 78, 102
independent, 6, 81,
Russian, 5, 61, 77, 102
Trading post, 5, 52, 77, 84, 101
Russian, 1x, 78
Transfer printed ware, 52, 53, 54
Trapping, 5, 69,
Traps, 73
Tray, food, 91
Trousers, 87
Trout, 94
Tunnel, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 23
entrance, 11, 20
floor, 11
roof, 11
sidewalls, 11, 20
Turner, Thomas, 53
Twine, 81, 91
Ulu blade, 26, 29, 50, 69, 75, 91
Ulu handle, 33, 44, 93
Umiak, 87
Unalachluck, William, 6
Underwear, 87
United States of America, 4, 81, 82
see also: America, influence of.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bull. 199
U.S. Army, 52, 65,
U.S. Commissioner, 7
Urine, 98
VanStone, J. W., vit, 22, 23
Vasil’ev, —, 5, 78
Veniaminov, Father, 80
Vinasale, 73, 78, 81
Wall posts, 20
Wand, 42, 98
Wedge, 33, 44, 66, 93, 95
I eet ean Henry, vi, 6, 81,
2, 84
?
Western Fur & Trading Company, 81
Whalebone, 44, 45, 72, 89, 96
Whetstone, 27, 28, 69, 93
Whitefish, 32, 94, 95, 109
Whitefish Lake, 94
White ware, 52
Whooping cough, 84
Wick, moss, 90
Wild celery, 99
Willow, 8, 91, 94
Willow pattern, 53, 54
Window, 89
cover for, 98
Window glass, 18, 51, 55, 56
Wolf, 87
Wolverine, 87
Wood, 10, 31-45, 97, 98
shavings of, 98
Woodworking, 33
World War I, 56
Yuk, 1, 68, 69
Yukon-Kuskokwim region, 47
Yukon Line-Dot, 45
Yukon River, 1, 2, 3, 4, 39, 80, 85
Yupik, 1, 2, 3, 5, 85
Zagoskin, Lavrentij A., vi, 3, 4, 5, 9,
10, 70, 73, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84,
103
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